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NOVEMBER 12, 180
The Commoner..
Where Democratic Congressmen Stand
Tho" Commoner will be pleased to publish
brief letters from congressmen and democratic
candidates for congress, giving their opinion of
tho tariff platform suggested by Mr. Bryan.
Boston, Mass., October 30, 1909. Charles "W.
Bryan, Lincoln, Neb. Dear Sir: Your favor ab
hand asking for ray opinion on the- tariff planks
of October 1. No question is finally sottled un
til it is settled right. To this maxim, tho tariff
is no exception.
Tho tariff plank suggested by Mr. Bryan
brings forward tho real Issues on which tho peo
ple In the country should rally. Free raw ma
terials, reduction in tho cotton and woolen sched
ules, and a general reduction in trust controlled
articles should add stimulus to our industries
and bring to the people of our country added
happiness. Yours very truly,
ANDREW T. PETERS.
Birmingham, Ala., November 1, 1909.
Charles W. Bryan, Publisher The Commoner,
Lincoln, Neb. Dear Sir: There has never been
a platform of a national convention since tho
organization of the democratic party that has
advocated free trade theories. The platforms
of the party have always maintained that tho
true position of the party was in favor of a
tariff for revenue. There never has been a tariff
bill enacted into law by the democratic party
that has not favored the doctrine of a tariff for
revenue as opposed to a tariff levied along free
trade lines, such as the revenue laws of Great
Britain.
The most distinctive democratic tariff bill that
was ever written on the statute books of this
country was the Walker tariff of 1846, and, al
though the duties levied under this tariff did
not exceed a thirty per cent ad valorem rate,
they were levied on competitive articles, such as
wool and cotton, iron and steel; sugar and
coffee, then non-competitive articles, were placed
on the free list, which demonstrates that the
democratic party in preparing its tariff bills has
favored a duty levied for revenue. There was
no exploitation of a free list in the Walker
tariff on articles that could raise a material
amount of revenue. If wo write a tariff bill for
the purpose solely of raising revenue for the
treasury, we are no more concerned with the
incidental benefit that some citizens may derive
from having raw material placed on the free
list, than wo are concerned with the incidental
benefits that may arise to some manufacturers
from having a very high protective tariff placed
on the articles they manufacture.
To fairly adjust the burdens of taxation, a
tariff tax should be levied on as many articles
as possible, so that the burden may bo borne by
as many people as possible and bo distributed
equitably to all portions of the country.
From a revenue standpoint there is no reason
"why the citizen of the northwest should bo
exempt from taxation on the lumber ho buys
and tho citizen of .the south required to pay
taxes on the sugar he consumes. It has been
suggested in The Commoner that wool, lumber,
hides, iron ore and a number of other products
should be placed on the free list; if that is
done there is no reason why meats, wheat, rye,
barley, and all other food products should be
placed on tho freo list. In recent years the
farmers of the country have been prosperous;
the laboring people in tho cities have not had
their wages advanced and the cost of living
is becoming exceedingly burdensome. "VVhy
should the democratic party stand for a proposi
tion that proposes to exempt from taxation the
prosperous agricultural classes and allow the
burden of taxation to remain on the food pro
ducts that the labor in the city must consume?
Is it not far more equitable, far more just to
distribute the burden of taxation so that it will
fall evenly upon all? Make your tariff rate as
low as possible on all articles, consistent with
raising sufficient revenue to supply the needs of
the government economically administered and
play favorites with no one, either by giving them
free raw material or protection.
The republican party in the enactment of Its
recent tariff bill gavo the manufacturers of
boots and shoes over two million dollars of
revenue by placing hides on the free list; the
result has been that shoes are' higher than they
were before hids were made free. They prac
tically gave free iron ore to the eastern manu
facturer by reducing tho duty on raw ore from
forty cents a ton to twelve cents a ton on the
ore that corned from. Cuba. In other words,
ELm Ce? tI,rat0 from ton Pr wnt ad
?h 2S.i? Sbout .thr,co pcr ccnt ad valorem, with
.reillt that pig Iron and all other Iron pro
ducts have advanced from twenty to twenty
live per cent since tho reduction was made. In
other words, tho free raw material has boon a
gift to tho manufacturer and has not benefited
tho consumer at all.
X my 2ud&,nnt tho true democratic position
is for a tariff for revenue, without attempting
to play favorites with any one. I boliovo that
the democratic party In Its platforms should
declaro tho general principles of tho party and
the representatives of tho party In congress
should endeavor faithfully to follow In their
legislation tho principles their party has declared
for, but I think it the utmost folly for a national
convention hastily, and without duo considera
tion, to attempt to writo a bill of particulars
on any subject In a platform and expect tho rep
resentatives of tho party to bo guided by It
OSCAR W. UNDERWOOD.
Minden, Tenn., October 27, 1909. Mr.
Charles "W. Bryan, Lincoln, Nob. Dear Mr.
Bryan: Replying to your letter of tho 21st, I
beg to say that I am In perfect accord with tho
views of Hon. W. J. Bryan as to a tariff on raw
materials, especially on crudo raw materials
used only by manufacturers. It will bo seen
by reference to my sppoch on the conferenco
report on tho Payne-Aldrich bill, that I printed
as a part of my remarks an extract from tho
reply of Mr. Bryan to the speech of Senator
Stono, setting out his position as to a tariff;
on raw materials and that I unreservedly en
dorsed the same.
I am opposed to protection in any gulso or
form, be It called Incidental or direct.
Protective duties on the crudo raw materials
used by manufacturers, makes a compensatory
protective duty on the manufactured products
from such raw materials absolutely necessary
which added to the direct protective duty on tho
finished article, must be paid by the consumer.
Tariff duties on raw materials aro not paid by
the manufacturer, but in every Instance aro
added to the prlco of the finished article as a
compensatory duty and passed on to tho
consumer.
If tho next national democratic convention
declares for tariff duties on crudo ra"w materials
used by manufacturers, which In the very naturo
of things Is a protective tariff and must bo
added as a compensatory duty In addition to
the duties levied on the finished product and
the burden of both thus laid upon the consumer,
the democratic party had as well make no
nominations and go Into liquidation. The people
do not want and will not tolerate two protec
tionist parties in this country.
Yours truly,
T. W. SIMS.
Springfield, Mo., October 30, 1909. Hon.
Charles W. Bryan, Publisher The Commoner,
Lincoln, Neb. -My Dear Sir: Replying to your
letter of recent date asking me to give my views
on the proposed tariff platform as outlined by
Mr. Bryan in his recent Dallas, Texas, speech
and published in The Commoner, I beg to say
that I am a firm believer in tho Idea that a plat
form Is binding on the party so long as it is in
force and that it Is especially binding on tho
candidate who asks election on said platform,
and I further believe that It Is doubly binding
on the man who is elected to office on said plat
form without protesting against Its provisions
prior to his election. And unless the people
who elected him first , repudiate the platform
I do not believe that he can, in good faith, do
so and retain his position.
I have always been of tho opinion that plat
forms (national) should deal with principles and
not details, yet if it Is tho wisdom of our party
that a condition now exists when every demo
cratic candidate for congress should specifically
declare his position I for one have no objections
to doing so.
I believe that the despotism, known as Can
nonism, Is ono of the most dangerous things
which is now threatening the liberties of tho
people. It Is dangerous for various reasons, but
it is especially so in that It enables the "special
Interests" to control legislation in this country.
I believe that every candidate for congress,
-whether democrat or republican, ought to be
pledged, if elected, to oppose Cannonism.
' I have no objection to 'Mr. Bryan's tariff
4 m nCm r"t0 ?" wOl." ho Hn 3
basis- nn, m" W0,0n." t0 ,ft 1,Urcl' rovou
nnli ,th.,fl 8UKCtttJ0 AlHO appllOH tO tho
sitloa o8fC life! aUd l nmn' UlCr I)r,m ncco
i l?.vi0ry mjW1' wmnn and child must wear
clothing of Homo kind, cither woolon or cotton
artlc losVhY V"8"1 t0,b0 J"tod on those
m poSlWo may ,,urchflHyd ohoaply
I am In favor of putting on tho freo list:
Agricultural implements.
Illdos, boots nnd shoos, leather and harness.
OH and oil products.
Articles sold cheaper In foreign countries than
at homo.
Lumbar, wo-d pulp and print papor.
The products of concerns which by combina
tions have shut out competition.
,J,l0.B0.?roonio..of th0 nrlcll"il things I would
put on tho freo list.
On tho articles not on tho freo list I am in
favor of Imposing only a rovenuo tariff
Tho necessity for protection In this country
has long since passed, if Indeed it over existed.
I could prolong thlB communication but I ro-
member you asked for a "short lotter" and I
will, therefore, subscribe myself.
Yours truly,
C. W. HAMLIN. ,
Lincoln, Nob., November 3, 1909. Charles
W. Bryan, Publisher Tho Commoner. Dear
Sir: in view of tho events of tho recent ses
sion of congress W. J. Bryan's tariff suggestions
aro very timely. I ondorso thorn unre
servedly. That a representative should oboy
party platform plodgos and bo guided by
tho source of his authority tho people is a
principle as old as representative government.
Ho who wilfully violates this principle strikes
at tho foundations of our government and ought
to bo rolievod of responsibility.
The special session of congress demonstrated
tho necessity of a clear understanding between
tho people and their representatives. It showed
clearly that tho cssontlal items and principles
in a tariff platform should bo sot forth more In
dotail. Schedules should, of course, always bc
frained with tho view of reducing to tho mini
mum tho rates on necessaries and correspond-
lngly Increasing, If necessary, tho rate on'
luxuries.
I havo long believed that tho power of tho
speaker of tho house is too great. More than
a year ago I Issued a platform nnd challenged
tho power of tho speaker in part as follows:
"I am unqualifiedly opposed to a member of
congress surrendering his sacred powers to any
oligarchy, within whatever party it may spring
up. I am In favor of restoring tho house of rep
resentatives to Its proper place In our system
of government, with every member an active
participant in legislation and freo to suggcat
or protest as tho interest of his district may
require."
His powor has grown not through constituted
authority or as a necessary aid to legislation
but through desire to pervert tho popular will
and prevent wholesome or needful legislation. .
Tho rules of the house should bo amended lim
iting the power of the speaker and restoring tho
usefulness of the house as a legislative body.
JOHN A. MAGUIRE,
First Nebraska District.
LEMONS
Tho New York World says: "Congress raised
the duty on lemons to 'help tho California
growers.' Now the railroads havo raised tho
freight rato on lemons from sea to sea. That
is the way it works. Tho railroads get tho mon
ey, the producer gets healthful, open-air labor,
the consumer gets tho lemon."
0
WHEN THE FOREIGNER PAYS THE
TAX
"An' so it goes, Hinnlssy. Never a
sordid worrud, mind ye, but ivrything
done on th' fine old principle iv give an'
take."
"Well," said Mr. Hcnnessy, "what dif-
f'rence does it make? Th' foreigner pays
th' tax, annyhow."
"He does," said Mr. Dooley, "If he 0
ain't turned back at Castle Garden."
From "Mr. Dooley on the Tariff."
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