vmrtfitr . The Commoner. -jr 2, VOLUME ; NUMBER 42 i MR. HARDY'S SPEECH Representative Itufus Hardy, representing tho Sixth Texas district, and whoso home is in Cor sicapa, .Texas, delivered a tariff speech at Came ron Texas', on tho evening of October 18. In this speech Mr. Hardy took tho position that Mr. Bryan' is right in his position on the tariff question. Tho text of tho pecch follows: My Fellow Citizens: ' 1 shall endeavor to dis cuss, 'as you have requested, the issues raised by' Mr; Bryan and Mr. Bailey In, their recent Dallas opeedhes. This will involve a discussion, of tho Denver convention and platform, the force arid value of party platforms, tho merits of sev eral pledges of the Denver platform and tho question not named or referred to in, that plat form" whether tho raw material of the manu facturer should bo admitted free of duty. Tho convention that met at Denver last year waB a groat convention. It was composed of many. of, the most distinguished members of the party including many United States senators, gov ernors, exjgovernors and members of congress, and many who were not officeholders, biit great leaders of tho party, fresh from the gr,eat body and heart of the people. Its platfprm committee was selected and included its ' greatest .men, among them Alton B. Parker, our standard bearer in 1904, who was favored, I think, by Mr. Bailey himself. This platform committee devoted thrty-six hours to the discussion and preparation of tho platform, and notwithstanding Mr. Bailey's at tack upon it as being incapable of preparing a platform, of democratic principles w.ojr'thy to bind him, it needs no defense at my hands. Hav ing made this attack upon the convention itqolf in the senate, Mr. Bailey proceeded to attack thp platform. In bold terms he simply declared, that .the platform had no binding fopce npon him or any, pther 'democratic member of tho house or senate whoselconscience or judgment differed from it, which means that it had no value whatever. , In -that declaration, was Mr. Bailey right? , Especially was he right ,as . to tMfe twpMiHH?-,& our platform; which de nounces; first, the demand that -trust-controlled products be placed on the free lfst, and.-iecbnd," tho lumber plank? As fo the first?, Mr. Bailey was not in the convention when it was adopted, but the convention had his credentials from the rexas state convention, containing instructions a delegate to vote for that plank, and all the Texas delegates at Denver voted for It. The second plank included a demand for free wood pulp and print paper, for which every democrat in the houso of representatives of tho Sixtieth congress had declared. but, my fellow citizens, if Mr. Bailey is., right, party platforms are absolutely worthless. Tlvey are either republican platitudes to be twisted and tortured in construction or democratic false hoods uttered only to cajole and deceive and to be spit upon by senators and congressmen who are bigger than the party. In 1S94 we had another democrat who was greater than his party, and the democrats were in power, They had made a platform and 'given promises and pledges to tho people, but Senator Gorman was greater and wiser than his party. I happened to sit in the senate1 chamber' on the day after Senator Gore, had made the charge that Andrew Carnegie, through the kind offices of Mr. Gorman, was permitted to prepare the iron and steel schedule of the .Wilson bill. Mr. Gore submitted with his statement a -magazine article written by Mr. Carnegie. APPROVAL OP PARTY ??es.0 tw Plftnks "ad, to the public, every tllu,0 being aPProved by tho whole party, ater a strong campaign upon them during which Wor1 h n Mr Ba"5y di not attend the Port S? i ?envei; conventions, hIs,closest politi cal and personal friends did, and thev voted lhnla murmur for both those platforms! and S?PhnnlhiCIV?e,I,omo the cl0Best of them all, perhaps Mr. Ousley of the Fort Worth Record 5 7S? thG DSnver plaUorm M th embodtaSJnt ? i Sd0m, and dGmocracy. This was the atti S5? In1 Texas and elsewhere while we were asking the people for their votes, and white I and many other Texans were making speeches In a dozen states of tho union urging ournlat fom and our candidate before the foters D Yhati,e Platforni8? I want to read you In i808!tn? d2? thGr an former PlStoiKS X? 18GLtho democracy concluded its platform thus: "Upon this platform the democratic nartv SSK? eV.ry patrIot" 1876 they sa'yT itlriRA fifr3by S?1 t0 our fe"ow citizens" In 1S84 they say: "With-this statement of tlie 52?tv' ?LnCiPle? and purpo8 of the Semocra ic party, the great issue is submitted." ; In like manner every four years we have eiven for h our platform of promises and pledeS of policies and principles, and on them askfd for the people s trust and votes. The doctVine is certainly strange and modem that the candidate is sacred and must be supported, but ppfneffleS and; pledges, policies and pronilses-ou plo forms are worthless: that tli mn ViU prlncime, is binding.' In todTnime we voled for tho man for the sake of the principle "M e t0Jd1W0 Mt vote for tlie principle! for,$ie sake of the nominee PS JSE1??0 thP Platf0nvcan bind .mo to v8c ?r a dIshonosfc or dishonorable measure, CARNEGIE ARTICLE Mr. Bailey addressed the senate, and. in sub-, stance denied the truth of Mr. Gore's speech, and Mr. Carnegie's article, and left the impres sion on my mind that Mr. Gorman .was absolute--ly free of any, responsibility for any schedule of the Wilson bill. Mr. Gorman was highly eulo- gized by Mr, Bailey and the whole credit or dipcredlt of that part of 'the Jlson bill applying to iron and steel wad fixed upon the democratic senate finance committee or sub-committ.ee, in cluding Roger Q. Mills. - Tho cleanness of Mr. Mills. was justly held, up. as guaranty that Mr. Carnegie was not allowed to' write any schedule for him, and thus &ith Mills, irreproachable, in charge and Gorman. far t away, not even Jn touch with the committee, as,' shpwn oy Mr. Bailey, Mr Carnegie had, only drearaecj what he wrote. . , "-. ' . .,' Mr. Aldrlch corroborated, Mr. Bailey, .and to-? gether they left friend Gore not a peg to hang UPdh. - . , . ; , , .. , ;:v . What was my astonishment on my return home to have shown .me. he. copy of a letter written-in 1903 and published in the Houston Post" from ' E. H. Church cashier b -the' First National bank' of Corslcana driH lifloiig" friend of Roger Q. Mills, which in part says: '' AS TO MtlLL$ "Oorsicana, Texas, October 20, 1903. Editor Po,st: .Noticing a letter from Senator Butler of South Carolina and ,an editorial in a recent issue of your paper concerning the part played by Senator Gorman in changing the Wil. son bill along protection lines . I beg leave to submit the following facts which I think can not be controverted ? and I think the truth of history demands it. When the Wilson bill was sent from the house to tho senate, it- was referred to the senate committee on finance. That committee referred it to a sub-committee with instructions to .make a more truly demo cratic ibill. This committee was made up of Senators Jones of Arkansas, Vest of Missouri, and Mills xZ Texas. Mills was not a member of the committee on finance.1 When he went from the house to the senate he had been at once tendered an assignment qn that committee by a special resolution introduced by Mr. Voor hees of Indiana but declined owing to ill health. When, however, tho Wilson bill came to the senate, he was asked by the demo cratic senators on the finance committee to act with them in remodeling the bill along lower tariff lines, and when he agreed to do this was made a member of the sub-committee referred to above. This committee had the bill in hand several weeks, and reported it back to the fujl democratic membership of the finance commit tee. Senator Gorman, becoming acquainted with the provisions of the bill as framed by Jones, Vest and Mills, was very mu.ch displeased and was instrumental in having a caucus of all demo cratic senators called to consider the bill. At that time the democrats controlled the senate by, I think, only two majority. One of these, Hill of New York, intended to vote against the bill ori account of the income tax provision which it contained. Therefore it was necessary to have such a bill as coujd pommand tho support of all or it must fail of passage. In tho caucus, Senator Gorman spoke Xor three days against the bill, until finally it was seen that the only thing that could be done was to allow himself and .those who agreed with, him to make such changes in its schedules ,aq .w,o,uld cause It to receive their support.. This ..being done, it was. turned over to Gorman, Brico. of Ohio, Smith of New Jersey and. possibly Murphy of New York and one or two others. Under their charge more than 600 articles were increased, thus undoing tho work of Jones, Vest and Mills and making it w.orsa than the Wilson bill had. been when 3t. came from the house. - - CLEVELAND'S ATTITUDE "This action caused Mr. Cleveland to denounce it as a measure 'of party perfidy and dishonor The Congressional Record will show that when this bill was reported to the senate, Senator Mills rose in his place and denounced the bill and said that ft was not -the Wilson bill, but that it was the Gorman-Brjtae bill and that, ho intended to. vote against every ope of the amend ments and to denounce the .republican and pro tective features injected into "the bill by those senators who called themselves democrats, but wanted a' republican protective tariff bill passed. The letter of Senator Butler of South Carolina is, of course, written, in the interest of Senator Gorman's candidacy 'for the presidency. One who reads Senator Butler's letter can readily understand why he appearB as counsel for Senator Gorman. .Berng a protectionist him self, he naturally desires some one of his' own faith to lead the party so. that in any event, whether the democratic or republican party win, we may have a protectionist president." The letter continues very forcibly, but I have given enough of it to show that Mr. Bailey and Mr. Aldrlch must have been- very much mistaken when they acquitted Mr. Gorman iu the senate of having any hand in the mutilation of the Wilson bill, and enough tb show that Andrew Carnegie spoke' true in his magazine article when he said that he was allowed by Mr. Gor man to prepare the 'iron and steel schedule. If I remember rightly, Mr. Gorman, before his death, was Mr. Bailey's first choice for t' e democratic nomination for the presidency in 1904.' ' .('- 'It' is any wonder that Mr. Bailey,- treading tho Very paths ttiai Gorman had, shoul'd 'desire his XiViiilliUblVU ii- ln THE LtJMBER tIANK I' ' . In- attacking thq lumber plank ,n.t Bquton, Mr.'Bailejr said:' "What XWeT.next, article? Print papeA Why?, They, w.ap ted "to bribe the newspapers and magazines to support the demo cratic ticket. The bribe didn't work. I .m glad it didn't; for I pray God the democratic party may be spared of victory itm.us.t purchase." In the senate he .said: "Mr. President, .the story of that cpnvention need not be. told. ' TJiis par ticular free lumber, prpposftion , was. pirt thero to carry two or three of the rQrth western states. It did not carry them, au& I think the considera tion for the promise, failed." Strange words from a democrat and strange recognition in its peculiar way that he was or ought to be bound by, thq promise unless he could find some excise. I leave you to construe his words as to what he was glad of and judge of, the excuse he gives for violating the promise. The next attack he, makes is .upon the plank demanding that trust controlled products be admitted free. He says: "Repeal the duty on every article controlled by a trust and wq rem't $150,000 000 of revenue at one stroke of the pen. Now, let us be practical men. The remedy, is not to put trust-controlled articles on the free list but put trust-controlling magnates In the penitentiary." And with that, Mr. Bailey demplishes the strongest tariff demand of the Denver platform and .of the Port Worth platform. He is going to solve everything by putting trust magnates in the penitentiary. The democratic party in state and nation have been demanding that trust magnates be put in the penitentiary for many years, and that is one of the remedies called for by the. Denver platform. Mr. Bailey is not original 'in urging it, He is. only original in urging that we leave all other remedies alone and seek no other relief, and depend alone on criminal statutes to protect the people from oppressive combinations fostered by the tariff and sustained by the trusts; but the .stubborn fact remains that no great trust magnate so far has ever worn a convict'. stripe for violating an anti-trust criminal statute. BAILEY'S ARGUMENT , Mr. Bailey defends the duties he voted for on the. ground that they were not protective duties, and were revenue duties both in their rates and results. I deny this, but if If were, true it would s,till not1 answer or disprove. the charge of disloyalty-Mr. Bryan brings,. against hirn. Tho phit- m II , O .5 , H- .fktfM&A- JfAU4 tttfetfltefri itittita ftim.