1K-" '" w?rs,7.r .. jf'wvai' &r jp.iwr T ' The Commoner. VOLUME , NUMBER 33 - tf .r K if- I,' Ms SOOIAIi GAMBLING Tlio Clilcago Tribune recently printed the fol- "Pokor playing for high stakes among promi nent womon of the north side has reached such a point that one family has been disrupted and one woman has been dropped from the gambling clrclo, vowing a vengeance that makes all con cerned tremble at thought of the possible dis closures. . , , . ,0 AAA "Ono woman is reported to have lost ?z,ouo during an evening's play. Another woman is Bald to have lost repeatedly such largo sums that her husband has taken separate apartments and is considering the matter of a divorce. The names of wives of officials of the city and county and members of the stock exchange and board of trade are montioned in connection with the affair, j x v "The women poker players are said not to bo members of any regularly organized club. Somo of them bolong to clubs where whist and euchre are played, but these clubs are not involved in the threatened trouble. "The women living In residences from Lincoln avenue on the south to Lake View on the north have simply formod a custom of calling together little parties of from twelve to fourteen- for the purpose of playing poker for high stakes. One experience has been enough for several women, but others have continued the game until public scandal impends." If gambling is good for men there is no rea son why women should not gamble, but why should either gamble? The principle is wrong and the practice diseases the moral character. Gambling losses havo led many into embezzle ment and some to suicide, and winning is quite as demoralizing as losing Here is a chance for the ministers to apply' a moral principle GAMBLE NOT AT ALL. ; . ' . YOUNG MEN AND POLITICS What can they do for each 'other? Politics will not let men alone, young or old, 'and, there fore, men are compelled tfo give some attention to politics. Ono tot the' ancient' nhilosdph6rs boAA ,that If good citizens did hotJ give attention to' ttielr government thoy'would be puniBlted by being compelled to live under the rule. of worse citizens than themselves, if I were going to amend this saying, I would add the query Can there be worso citizens than those who pay no attention to their government? A scholar may bo measured by his learning and a business man by his wealth, but a citizen must be meas ured by fidelity in the performance of his civic duties. The science of government is a noble Bcionco and the art of government is one in which tho citizen may well desire to be skilled. Most of our great men have entered politics young; It is only occasionally that men dis tinguish themselves in public life who enter It late. However anxious a young man may be to enter politics he must always recognize that opportunity is necessary as well as preparation, that is, he must not only be ready to take ad vantage of an opportunity, but he must wait until the opportunity comes. As a matter of fact, however, failure to rise politically is more often due to lack of preparedness than to lack of opportunity. If the young man who loves his country, is In sympathy with his fellowmen, and is more anxious to servo than to hold high office, politics offers great opportunities. REPUBLICAN DOCTRINE About to depart on a pleasure trip to Europe and referring to tho popular protest against the Aldrich-Payne tariff law, . Senator Chauncy M Depew says "the American people always adjust themselves quickly to 'whatever exists." That is republican doctrine in Ti nutshell. No matter how heavy tho burden, no matter how vigorously the people protest, pile it on for the benefit of tho generous contributors to republi can campaign funds. The people may be de ponded upon to submit patiently. But how long will they submit? Mr. Aldrich Bays that ho has no fear whatever of the repub lican defeat; that he has no fear that the people will rise in practical protest against republican tariff legislation. Certainly he has seen much to justify his sublime confidence, but there may be an end, even to tho people's patience with the republican party. FOR PARTY PLATFORM Hereafter party conventions should adopt for platform purposes the motto the railroads in variably attach to the timetable ads: "Subject to change without notice. "Washington .Herald. EDUCATIONAL SERIE STEPHEN A. DOUGLAS' ATTITUDE TOWARD SLAVERY Tho following letter was written by his son, Judge Robert M. Douglas, In reply to an Invita tion to attend tho semi-centennial celebration of the Lincoln-Douglas debates: Greensboro, N. C, October 14, 1908. Hon. E. M. Bowman, Chairman Executive Com mittee Lincoln-Douglas Celebration, Alton, 111. My Dear Sir: Your very kind letter inviting me to attend the semi-centennial celebration of tho Lincoln-Douglas debates, has been received. It is deeply appreciated, not only for the invita tion itself, but for the cordial and appreciative tone of your letter. As the elder, and now tho only surviving son of Senator Douglas, it would give me very great pleasure to attend tho celebration and show my respect, not only for my father's memory, but also for that of his great rival, whom snb sequent events, perhaps beginning with these debates, have placed among the greatest men in the ages. Denied the pleasure of a personal attendance, it seems to me that one or two Instances Illus trating my father's character would not be out of place. ... Judge Taft, in his address at Galesburg, has tersely and correctly stated the real issues then discussed by Mr. Lincoln and Judge Douglas. He rightly says that "neither speaker represent ed the extreme view of some of his party. Tho controversy related to tho status of slavery in tho territories, of the United States, and its suc ceeding status in the states to be formed out of that territory." , ' He further says: "Mr. Lincoln, therefore, while he deplored the existence1 df slavery, be lieved that aa a sworn legislator It was his duty . to Vote to provide a fugitive slave law, and such ether protection to slave property as was required by the constitution." ' To this extent Mr. Lincoln and Judge Douglas agreed; but Judge Douglas insisted that the question of slavery in the territories and future states should be settled by the people themselves inhabiting such territories and states. In his opinion this would reduce the question of slavery from a natidnal to a local Issue; and would thus not only recognize the great doctrine of home rule, but would prevent future legisla tion Which he thought would endanger the very existence of the union. I am merely stating his position; but deem it simple justice to his memory to recall the fact that he was person ally opposed to slavery. He showed the sin cerity of his convictions by refusing a gift of slave property offered by his father-in-law in the contingency of a failure of heirs to his wife, which would havo been worth from $100,000 to $125,000. He never owned or accepted a slavo or the proceeds of a slave, directly or indirectly; nor would he permit himself to be placed in a position where the ownership of slave property might be cast upon him by operation of law. My mother, who was the only child of Colonel Robert Martin, of Rockingham county, North Carolina, met my father in Washington City through her first cousin, Governor David S. Reid, who was a colleague of Judge Douglas both in the houso of representatives and in the senate. My grandfather, Colonel Martin, died in 1848, after my mother' marriage, but before my birth. In his will, recorded both in this state and Mississippi, appears the following paragraph: "In giving to my dear daughter full and com plete control over my slaves in Mississippi (his slaves in North Carolina having been left to his wife in fee simple) I make to her one dying . request instead of endeavoring to reach the case in this will. That is, that if she leaves no chil dren, to make provisions before she dies to have all these negroes, together with their increase, sent to Liberia or some other colony in Africa. By giving them the not proceeds of the last crop they may make would fit them out for the trip, and probably leave a largo surplus to aid them in commencing planting in that country. In this request I would remind my dear daughter that her husband does not desire to own this kind of property, and most of our collateral con nection already have more of that kind of prop erty than is of advantage to them. "I trust in Providence, however, she will have children; and if so, I wish these negroes to be long .to them, as nearly every head of a family among them havot expressed to me a desire to belong to you and your children rather than to go to Africa; and to set them free where they would entail on them a greater curse, far greater in my opinion as well as most of the Intelligent among themselves, than to serve a' humane mas ter whoso duty it would be to see that they were properly protected in such rights as yet belong to them, and have them properly provid ed for in sickness as well as in health." Under his oath as executor of Colonel Martin it was the duty of Senator Douglas to protect tho property belonging to his children; but it was evident from the above provision that ho was never willing to own personally a slave or the proceeds of a slave. There is another phase of my father's char acter which, in the all absorbing question of slavery with its possible results, does not seem to have been sufficiently recognized. It is ad mirably expressed in the following quotation from a letter to me of Chief Justice Fuller. The chief justice says: "I knew your lamented father very well. Pop ular as he was, it has nevertheless seemed to me that the extraordinary abilities he possessed have never been fully appreciated. The slavery question compelled his attention, and so the comprehensive grasp of his mind did not get full opportunity for expression in other direc tions. But as time goes on I think the impres sion of his real greatness deepens." His constant care for the, Individual welfare of his own state and its intellectual and material advancement, should not be: overlooked. His es tablishment of the University of Chicago, not only by the use of his influence, but by a dona tion JaTge for a man of. told limited means, at tests his Interests in th.e, higher education of the people. On the other hand, the building of the Illinois Central railroad; and his early efforts to place all charters under 'legislative control, show his regard for the'material Interest of his state and his prophetic View of the necessity of corporate control. . In 1836, although only1 twenty-three" years of age, Judge Douglas, then a. member of the legis lature of Illinois, moved to insert in each char ter granted a clause "reserving the right to alter, amend or repeal this act whenever the public good shall require it." Again, in 1851, while in the senate of the United States, he insisted that the grant of lands that secured the building of the Illinois Central railroad should bo made directly to the state of Illinois. Ho then had them given by the state' to the Illinois Central railroad upon condition that the road should pay forever to the state seven per cent of its gross receipts, In lieu of taxes upon its original line. I am informed that under this agreement the company has for several years paid to tho Btate of Illinois an average of over one million dollars a year. For the year ending April 30, 1906, it paid $1,143, 097-.46. With kindest greetings to all who feel an in terest in the name and blood I bear, and with best wishes for the success of your celebration, I remain, sincerely yours, ROBERT M. DOUGLAS. A STORY IN POINT Those republicans who thought that Presi dent Taft would be able to secure a reduction of the tariff in spite of the protected Interests will appreciate a story told on a prominent St. Louis business man (now :dead) . He had been out to. a wine supper with a party of friends and they took him home in a carriage. When they reached his house he. invited them In but they excused themselves because of the lateness of the hour. "Come .in," he urged, "and sample my champagne," "No' they replied, it is after midnight, and we must not disturb your wife." "Don't mind my wife," he boasted, - I am Caesar In this house." About that time a window went up and a voice was heard to say: 'You are right, gentlemen, go on home. 1 11 take care of Caesar: " Substitute the presi dent for the prominent business man and the protected, interests for thei wife and the story will lose 'none of its humor.- GET GET NOW GET ENOUGH The tariff barons who' -prepared- the Aldrich bill had three matters to guide them: "Get;" .:Get now;" and "While -you are getting, get enough. "r And they worked- all the matters to the. limit. M;, -M -4-if. ,!-.' jji,i AiMW-