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The Commoner.
VOLUME , NUMBER 33
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SOOIAIi GAMBLING
Tlio Clilcago Tribune recently printed the fol-
"Pokor playing for high stakes among promi
nent womon of the north side has reached such
a point that one family has been disrupted and
one woman has been dropped from the gambling
clrclo, vowing a vengeance that makes all con
cerned tremble at thought of the possible dis
closures. . , , . ,0 AAA
"Ono woman is reported to have lost ?z,ouo
during an evening's play. Another woman is
Bald to have lost repeatedly such largo sums that
her husband has taken separate apartments and
is considering the matter of a divorce. The
names of wives of officials of the city and county
and members of the stock exchange and board
of trade are montioned in connection with the
affair, j x v
"The women poker players are said not to bo
members of any regularly organized club. Somo
of them bolong to clubs where whist and euchre
are played, but these clubs are not involved in
the threatened trouble.
"The women living In residences from Lincoln
avenue on the south to Lake View on the north
have simply formod a custom of calling together
little parties of from twelve to fourteen- for the
purpose of playing poker for high stakes. One
experience has been enough for several women,
but others have continued the game until public
scandal impends."
If gambling is good for men there is no rea
son why women should not gamble, but why
should either gamble? The principle is wrong
and the practice diseases the moral character.
Gambling losses havo led many into embezzle
ment and some to suicide, and winning is quite
as demoralizing as losing Here is a chance for
the ministers to apply' a moral principle
GAMBLE NOT AT ALL. ; . '
.
YOUNG MEN AND POLITICS
What can they do for each 'other? Politics
will not let men alone, young or old, 'and, there
fore, men are compelled tfo give some attention
to politics. Ono tot the' ancient' nhilosdph6rs
boAA ,that If good citizens did hotJ give attention
to' ttielr government thoy'would be puniBlted by
being compelled to live under the rule. of worse
citizens than themselves, if I were going to
amend this saying, I would add the query Can
there be worso citizens than those who pay no
attention to their government? A scholar may
bo measured by his learning and a business
man by his wealth, but a citizen must be meas
ured by fidelity in the performance of his civic
duties. The science of government is a noble
Bcionco and the art of government is one in
which tho citizen may well desire to be skilled.
Most of our great men have entered politics
young; It is only occasionally that men dis
tinguish themselves in public life who enter It
late. However anxious a young man may be
to enter politics he must always recognize that
opportunity is necessary as well as preparation,
that is, he must not only be ready to take ad
vantage of an opportunity, but he must wait
until the opportunity comes. As a matter of
fact, however, failure to rise politically is more
often due to lack of preparedness than to lack
of opportunity. If the young man who loves
his country, is In sympathy with his fellowmen,
and is more anxious to servo than to hold high
office, politics offers great opportunities.
REPUBLICAN DOCTRINE
About to depart on a pleasure trip to Europe
and referring to tho popular protest against the
Aldrich-Payne tariff law, . Senator Chauncy M
Depew says "the American people always adjust
themselves quickly to 'whatever exists."
That is republican doctrine in Ti nutshell. No
matter how heavy tho burden, no matter how
vigorously the people protest, pile it on for the
benefit of tho generous contributors to republi
can campaign funds. The people may be de
ponded upon to submit patiently.
But how long will they submit? Mr. Aldrich
Bays that ho has no fear whatever of the repub
lican defeat; that he has no fear that the people
will rise in practical protest against republican
tariff legislation. Certainly he has seen much
to justify his sublime confidence, but there may
be an end, even to tho people's patience with the
republican party.
FOR PARTY PLATFORM
Hereafter party conventions should adopt for
platform purposes the motto the railroads in
variably attach to the timetable ads: "Subject
to change without notice. "Washington .Herald.
EDUCATIONAL SERIE
STEPHEN A. DOUGLAS' ATTITUDE TOWARD
SLAVERY
Tho following letter was written by his son,
Judge Robert M. Douglas, In reply to an Invita
tion to attend tho semi-centennial celebration of
the Lincoln-Douglas debates:
Greensboro, N. C, October 14, 1908.
Hon. E. M. Bowman, Chairman Executive Com
mittee Lincoln-Douglas Celebration, Alton, 111.
My Dear Sir: Your very kind letter inviting
me to attend the semi-centennial celebration of
tho Lincoln-Douglas debates, has been received.
It is deeply appreciated, not only for the invita
tion itself, but for the cordial and appreciative
tone of your letter.
As the elder, and now tho only surviving son
of Senator Douglas, it would give me very great
pleasure to attend tho celebration and show
my respect, not only for my father's memory,
but also for that of his great rival, whom snb
sequent events, perhaps beginning with these
debates, have placed among the greatest men in
the ages.
Denied the pleasure of a personal attendance,
it seems to me that one or two Instances Illus
trating my father's character would not be out
of place. ...
Judge Taft, in his address at Galesburg, has
tersely and correctly stated the real issues then
discussed by Mr. Lincoln and Judge Douglas.
He rightly says that "neither speaker represent
ed the extreme view of some of his party. Tho
controversy related to tho status of slavery in
tho territories, of the United States, and its suc
ceeding status in the states to be formed out of
that territory." , '
He further says: "Mr. Lincoln, therefore,
while he deplored the existence1 df slavery, be
lieved that aa a sworn legislator It was his duty .
to Vote to provide a fugitive slave law, and
such ether protection to slave property as was
required by the constitution."
' To this extent Mr. Lincoln and Judge Douglas
agreed; but Judge Douglas insisted that the
question of slavery in the territories and future
states should be settled by the people themselves
inhabiting such territories and states. In his
opinion this would reduce the question of slavery
from a natidnal to a local Issue; and would
thus not only recognize the great doctrine of
home rule, but would prevent future legisla
tion Which he thought would endanger the very
existence of the union. I am merely stating his
position; but deem it simple justice to his
memory to recall the fact that he was person
ally opposed to slavery. He showed the sin
cerity of his convictions by refusing a gift of
slave property offered by his father-in-law in
the contingency of a failure of heirs to his wife,
which would havo been worth from $100,000 to
$125,000. He never owned or accepted a slavo
or the proceeds of a slave, directly or indirectly;
nor would he permit himself to be placed in a
position where the ownership of slave property
might be cast upon him by operation of law.
My mother, who was the only child of Colonel
Robert Martin, of Rockingham county, North
Carolina, met my father in Washington City
through her first cousin, Governor David S. Reid,
who was a colleague of Judge Douglas both in
the houso of representatives and in the senate.
My grandfather, Colonel Martin, died in 1848,
after my mother' marriage, but before my birth.
In his will, recorded both in this state and
Mississippi, appears the following paragraph:
"In giving to my dear daughter full and com
plete control over my slaves in Mississippi (his
slaves in North Carolina having been left to his
wife in fee simple) I make to her one dying
. request instead of endeavoring to reach the case
in this will. That is, that if she leaves no chil
dren, to make provisions before she dies to have
all these negroes, together with their increase,
sent to Liberia or some other colony in Africa.
By giving them the not proceeds of the last
crop they may make would fit them out for the
trip, and probably leave a largo surplus to aid
them in commencing planting in that country.
In this request I would remind my dear daughter
that her husband does not desire to own this
kind of property, and most of our collateral con
nection already have more of that kind of prop
erty than is of advantage to them.
"I trust in Providence, however, she will have
children; and if so, I wish these negroes to be
long .to them, as nearly every head of a family
among them havot expressed to me a desire to
belong to you and your children rather than to
go to Africa; and to set them free where they
would entail on them a greater curse, far greater
in my opinion as well as most of the Intelligent
among themselves, than to serve a' humane mas
ter whoso duty it would be to see that they
were properly protected in such rights as yet
belong to them, and have them properly provid
ed for in sickness as well as in health."
Under his oath as executor of Colonel Martin
it was the duty of Senator Douglas to protect
tho property belonging to his children; but it
was evident from the above provision that ho
was never willing to own personally a slave or
the proceeds of a slave.
There is another phase of my father's char
acter which, in the all absorbing question of
slavery with its possible results, does not seem
to have been sufficiently recognized. It is ad
mirably expressed in the following quotation
from a letter to me of Chief Justice Fuller. The
chief justice says:
"I knew your lamented father very well. Pop
ular as he was, it has nevertheless seemed to
me that the extraordinary abilities he possessed
have never been fully appreciated. The slavery
question compelled his attention, and so the
comprehensive grasp of his mind did not get
full opportunity for expression in other direc
tions. But as time goes on I think the impres
sion of his real greatness deepens."
His constant care for the, Individual welfare
of his own state and its intellectual and material
advancement, should not be: overlooked. His es
tablishment of the University of Chicago, not
only by the use of his influence, but by a dona
tion JaTge for a man of. told limited means, at
tests his Interests in th.e, higher education of the
people. On the other hand, the building of the
Illinois Central railroad; and his early efforts
to place all charters under 'legislative control,
show his regard for the'material Interest of his
state and his prophetic View of the necessity of
corporate control. .
In 1836, although only1 twenty-three" years of
age, Judge Douglas, then a. member of the legis
lature of Illinois, moved to insert in each char
ter granted a clause "reserving the right to alter,
amend or repeal this act whenever the public
good shall require it." Again, in 1851, while
in the senate of the United States, he insisted
that the grant of lands that secured the building
of the Illinois Central railroad should bo made
directly to the state of Illinois. Ho then had
them given by the state' to the Illinois Central
railroad upon condition that the road should
pay forever to the state seven per cent of its
gross receipts, In lieu of taxes upon its original
line. I am informed that under this agreement
the company has for several years paid to tho
Btate of Illinois an average of over one million
dollars a year. For the year ending April 30,
1906, it paid $1,143, 097-.46.
With kindest greetings to all who feel an in
terest in the name and blood I bear, and with
best wishes for the success of your celebration,
I remain, sincerely yours,
ROBERT M. DOUGLAS.
A STORY IN POINT
Those republicans who thought that Presi
dent Taft would be able to secure a reduction
of the tariff in spite of the protected Interests
will appreciate a story told on a prominent St.
Louis business man (now :dead) . He had been
out to. a wine supper with a party of friends
and they took him home in a carriage. When
they reached his house he. invited them In but
they excused themselves because of the lateness
of the hour. "Come .in," he urged, "and
sample my champagne," "No' they replied,
it is after midnight, and we must not disturb
your wife." "Don't mind my wife," he boasted,
- I am Caesar In this house." About that time
a window went up and a voice was heard to
say: 'You are right, gentlemen, go on home.
1 11 take care of Caesar: " Substitute the presi
dent for the prominent business man and the
protected, interests for thei wife and the story
will lose 'none of its humor.-
GET GET NOW GET ENOUGH
The tariff barons who' -prepared- the Aldrich
bill had three matters to guide them: "Get;"
.:Get now;" and "While -you are getting, get
enough. "r And they worked- all the matters to
the. limit.
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