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? The Commoner.
IS THIS MR. RILEY?
CAN ANY ONE TELL?
In llio long ngo the gray haired hoys of to
day wcro familiar with the song, one verso
which was as follows:
Is this Mr. Riley, can anyono toll?
Is this Mr. Riley; who kapes the hotel?
If this is dear Riley, who is spoken of so highly
Then, hy mo soul, Riley, you're doing quite well.
This old song is recalled hy an editorial that
appeared in the Now York Times (a paper that
has persistently and hitterly assailed Mr. Bryan)
of July 15:
A FEW MORE LEFT
Encouraged hy his highly gratifying success
In disposing of the greater part of his large and
variod stock of political principles and policies
to republican administrations, Mr. "William J.
Bryan now solicits furthor orders. Since you
are asking tho states to ratify the income tax
amendment, ho writes to President Taft, "why
not give them a chanco to vote on an amend
ment providing for the election of United States
Bcnators by popular voto?"
In truth, why not? It Is an out-and-out
Bryan policy, adopted in a left-handed sort of
way by Mr. Taft, who, as Mr. Bryan reminds
him, said in his speech of acceptance that he
was Inclined to favor the election of senators
by the people. That seems to be the fate of
"Mr. Bryan's principles tho republicans take
them for their own. He once said that al
though the people had not burdened him with
tho cares of office, his life was not without its
anxieties. He could not leave his principles
out over nfght without losing some of them,
and tho missing ones he generally found at
tho White House. So, in succession, have gone
his "issues" of railroad . regulation, of the fed
eral licenses for corporations, of a reduction pf
import duties, of postal savings banks, of limit
ing tho power to issue injunctions, and now his
tax. "on individual and, corporato incomes"has
beon snatched from him by a republican presi
dent and a republican congress, and goes, over
half of it, to the people for their sanction, the
other to the ctatute book.
Not one of these is of republican origination.
Not one Is rooted in old-fashioned republican
belief. They are all alien to the policies and
the professions of the republican , party from
Lincoln to McKinley. Had they not been ex
ploited and made widely popular by Mr. Bryan
not ono of them would have been appropriated
by the republicans.
Mr. Bryan has a lew more left. Like a skill
ful merchant ho studies to please, and it's no
trouble to show goods.
Should President Taft give hospitable greet
ing to his suggestion of a vote of the people
upon the election of senators by popular vote
we can imagine Mr. Bryan packing his bag with
his unsold remnants and taking a train for
Washington. It is no longer a full line of goods
the stock has been depleted. But ho can offer
the guarantee of hank deposits, and the inde
pendence of the Philippines at some fixed future
date. Last of all, why should he hesitate to
propose an unincumbered conveyance of the
most celebrated of all his issues, the issue that
nearly made him president of the United States,
the free, Independent, and unlimited coinage of
silver at the ratio of 16 to 1?
That is going back pretty far, but Mr. Bryan
has never recanted his belief in free silver coin
age, and since he has seen so many of his other
populistic principles, once declared wild and
dangerous, go into republican hands and thence
to adoption, may he not reasonably hope that
freo silver, too, Will be taken off his hands?
But that would leave Mr. Bryan without an
issue, stripped bare of principles, a man without
a platform to stand on, without consideration,
finished, done for. Hardly. It would make him
a very safe and acceptable candidate for men
of all parties who are, or soon will be, disgust
ed with the republican patty because of the
shameless breaking of its pledge to reduce the
tariff duties. The argument that Bryan is "am
bitious, unsteady, unsafe," would 'fall flat; since
the adoption by tho republicans of such an array
of his principles and policies would furnish con
vincing proof that he is as safe as any member
of that party, as "safe as Mr. Taft,' far safer
than Mr. Roosevelt; Hd was a bit ahead of the
times, that is all, and he was unlucky. His
enemies have profited by his inventions. But
certainly they have done their utmost to pre
pare the way for Mr. Bryan to come into his
own whenever they lose the confidence of the
people. New York Times.
POPULAR ELECTION OF SENATORS
Tho New York Evening Post criticised Mr.
Bryan's open letter to President Taft, relating
to tho election of senators by the people. Later
tho following letter appeared in the Evening
Post:
To tho Editor of the Evening Post. Sir: Re-
f erring to your editorial of July 15 on the pro
posed constitutional amendment for popular
election of United States senators, you ore un
doubtedly right in saying that this issue will
not bo "injected into the present arena of na
tional politics at any man's dictum." But is
not this Issue already very much "in" the
arena of politics?
You say that "the states that very strongly
desire the direct election of United States sen
ators practically secure this desideratum by re
quiring pledges of candidates for tho legisla
ture." This statement can hardly be made con
cerning all the states, or even a majority. In
, very few states do the people yet run the gov
ernment and bring their desires to effect. What
state besides Oregon has worked out any full
and practical scheme of election by the people
through the pledging of candidates? Some oth
ers have more or less effective plans 6f popular
nomination of party candidates fdr senator,
which is quite different from popular ele6tion
The people of the state engaged in the election
of a senator are not tho 6nly persons interested
or entitled to speak as to the method to be fol
lewed. That Rhode Island does not propose
to allow popular election, nut, with rotten bor
oughs in complete control of its state govern
ment, intends to continue tho system by which
11 per cent of the voters can keep Aldrich in the
senate to cram bunco-pame tariffs down our
throats, is a matter of great concern to citizens
of New York and every other state. That cer
tain states, by machine elections, keep Aldrich
supplied with willing abettors like Burrows
Hale and Penrose, and with pliant tools like
Smoot and Heyburn in the senate, interests us
in the most lively manner. That Kansas, Iowa,
and other states, with a more popular choice,
give us men like Brlstow, Cummins and LaFol
lette, is of the greatest importance to all of us.
Legislative election of senators causes neglect
of pressing state Issues, injects national ques
tions and politics where they have no place, is a
fruitful source of corruption in state and city
politics, and has been one of the most potent
causes of the apparent failure of local govern
ment in many parts of the country. All this, in
addition to giving us senators to work hand in
glove with "the interests" at Washington. Can
we afford to leave this matter to individual
states, which may or may not "desire" this
"desideratum," and, desiring, may not be able
to get it?" . JESSE F. ORTON.
New York, July 17.
MR. TAFT BREAKS THE SILENCE
Nor can we see wherein President Taft has as
sumed even tactically a stronger position by
breaking his silence. The web that the men
who fought his nomination and viewed his elec
tion only as the lesser of two "evils began to
weave about him from the moment he made
the false step of saving Cannon's face has crown
tighter than ever.
He no longer has the excuse that he would
not indulge in Rooseveltian "executive usurpa
tion. ' His friends "can not say for him, as
they might if he had remained aloof, that care
ful study had convinced him that his campaign
ntterances had been too sweeping, and that the
honest needs of manufacture, 'commerce and
industry required tho retention or an increase
of the Dingley duties In many more cases than
he had thought probable.
He was led, into legislating as much as Roose
velt ever did by demanding the adoption of tho
corporation tax. And now he identifies himself
further with the bill in its final form by de
mands which leave tho inference that if he be
VOLUME 9; NUMBER 29.
grante'd those he will sanction all other pro-t
visions.
Having watched tho stultification, of his ad
ministration until the wrongs were almost be
yond repair, he now says that he has not
changed his beliefs in any way. Yet he indi
cates that he will accept a measure which in al
most all essentials is a direct denial of thoso
beliefs.
We do not. think that there is the least like
lihood that the president will veto the bill when
it reaches him. We do believe sincerely that
he would serve his party and his own fame best
by a veto.
It would be a poor record for the Aldrich
Cannon senators and congressmen to present to
the country if no law resulted from the six
months' disturbance of business. It would dis
credit the party leaders. But in the end wo
believe it would make for republican success and
the preservation of the true protective doctrine.
It would be a broken pledge. But the enact
ment of the present proposals would be a' thou
sandfold worse breach of faith.. Such a law
would not settle the tariff. It vould undermine
the whole fabric of fair protection, in which
the entire country had just come to have faith.
We see but one way by which President Taft
could justify fully every word he spoke the
other dayf Yet we fear that there' is little hope
of his regaining the respect and confidence of
his countrymen, which have been slipping from
him, by adopting that one means -the exercise
of the veto power.
(The above is not a Commoner editorial. It
did' not appear originally in any democratic
paper. It is an editorial taken front that stal
wart republican newspaper, the Philadelphia
North American, issue of July 19.7 '
' i
SUGGESTIONS TO COMMONER REAPERS
J. P. Allen, Sullivan, Ind. I think every
loyal democrat and subscriber to Tho! Commoner
should add at least one new name as often as
they renew their subscription and I would sub
gest that the name should be the name of some
promising young man who will become a Voter
at the next election. I'believd if such a 'policy
had Ijeen pursued years ago w"eJ fcould 'h'ave1 bden
been succecsful at the last ele,otib!u,.,'' T'belieVe
if The Commoner ciould only be put into the
hands of enough of the right kind of people, it
would be more effective than any campaign fund
that the republican party could ever raise.
I' enclose $5. You may credit my account With
balance after paying for subscriptions.
John R. Boddie, 610 Wright Building, St.
Louis, Mo. It is needless to say that Tho
Commoner is doing great work a work that
will continue bearing fruit many years after its
founder has passed away. I can not better
serve my party and country than' to work earn
estly at all times to increase its circulation. If
it could be placed in the hands of one-twentieth
of the people our cause of equal rights to all
and special privileges to none would soon
triumph. I regret that my work in the past
two years has. been confined to the office, which
lessens my bpportunities for securing subscrip
tions, but will continue, as I have done since
the first issue, soliciting subscriptions for it at
all times and every opportunity. The money
power, the privileged class, won the last elec
tion by misrepresentation, but with all the power
of their money and unlimited opportunities for
misrepresentation, they would have been badly
beaten but for the vote of their children by in
heritance the negro, and the vote of their chil
dren by adoption the Mormons. Long" life to
The Commoner and its editor.
SUGGESTS AN OPPORTUNITY, TOO
Bryan's letter to Taft, telling him to submit
a senatorial election amendment suggests what
we can do for eur would-be if hot our ex-presidents,.
They might be made official advisers to
the successful candidates. Topeka' Capitol, re
publican. t ' ' -.
It also suggested an opportunity for the re
publican president and the republican congress
to serve the public interests."
PROSPERITY
The following profound editorial appeared in
that great prosperity organ, the New York Her
ald, July 11, 1909r
"One evidence of the return of prosperity in
New York City is the fact that most of the
cheap restaurants are giving seven prunes to
a portion, where they gave five eighteen months
ago."
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