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The Commoner
WILLIAM J. BRYAN, EDITOR AND PROPRIETOR
VOL. 9, NO. 27,
Lincoln, Nebraska, July 16, 1909
... ,
Remarkable Vindication
1 The democratic platform for 19 OS contained
the- following plank:
"We favor an income tax as part of our rev
enue system, and we urge the submission of a
constitutional amendment specifically authoris
ing congress to levy and collect tax upon in
dividual and corporate incomes, to the end that
wealth may bear its proportionate share of the
burdens of the federal government."
Mr. Bryan indorsed this plank and urged the
necessity of a constitutional amendment. Presi
dent Taft, in his acceptance speech, insisted that
"an amendment was not necessary. For year
the republican leaders have opposed an income
tax and denounced the democrats for advocat
ing it. But behold the change!
. President Taft sends a message to congress
proposing the submission of an income tax
amendment and it passes the senate by A
UNANIMOUS VOTE 77 ayes; nays, none. And
it will undoubtedly pass the house. Was vindi
cation ever more complete?
Democratic governors in states .having demo
cratic legislatures ought to call extra sessions
at once and secure immediate ratification of
the amendment. Income tax clubs ought to be
formed immediately in every county non-partisan
clubs to pledge members of the various
legislatures to vote for ratification. Now is the
time to act, The dollars have been enjoying
an exemption denied to man. As the law is now
the government in time of war can take the
hus"band from the wife, "the son from the mother
and the father, from his children, and stand
them up in front of an enemy's guns, but it
can not, even in the hour of peril, compel
wealth to bear its share of the expenses of the
government. The income tax amendment ought
to be ratified at the earliest possible moment.
Let democrats get to work in every community
and invite republicans to join them. Now for
the amendment specifically authorizing an in
come tax.
THE NEW GLADIATOR
The recent automobile race at Crown Point,
Ind., with its excitement, its dare-devil driving
and its many accidents recalls the days of the
gladiators. To be sure, the automobillsts did
not try to kill each other and yet each man who
participated was in constant danger of killing
or being killed. When a machine is being run
at so high a rate of speed the risk is very great
to all concerned it is the great risk, in fact,
that lends excitement to the race. It is thril-
CONTENTS
REMARKABLE VINDICATION
A NEW PARTY? NO
TO PRESIDENT TAFT
WHO ARE "CONSTITUENTS?"
THE NEW GLADIATOR
"PROVING BRYAN'S CHARGES"
WEALTH A BURDEN
INCOME TAX AND THE STATES
WILL THE STATES. DEFEAT IT?
GOVERNOR JOHNSON AND TONNAGE TAX
EDUCATIONAL SERIES PROTECTION'S
FAVORS TO FOREIGNERS
PRACTICAL TARIFF TALKS
THE TARIFF IN CONGRESS
HEARING FROM THEIR CONSTITUENTS
LETTERS FRQM THE PEOPLE
HOME DEPARTMENT
WHETHER COMMON OR NOT ,
NEWS OF THE WEEK '
. TO PRESIDENT TAFT
Now that the states are going to vote on the
ratification o th amendment specifically au
thorizing an Income tax why not givo them a
chance to vote an amendment providing for the
election of United States senators by popular
vote? In your speech of acceptance yon said
that yoa were personally inclined to favor such
a change in the constitution. Would this not
bo an opportuno time to present the subject to
congress? Two constitutional amendments onq
authorizing an income tax and the other pro
viding for the popular election of senators would
make your administration memorable and I
pledge you wliatevor assistance I can render in
securing the ratification of these amendments.
With great respect, I am
Yours truly,
W. J. BRYAN.
ling to watch two great cars, rushing along the
courso like demons, and to know that at any
moment a break in the machinery may hurl the
occupants into eternity, but is the gain so great
as to justify this indifference to life? Is it
,not possible to test machines and men some
other way? And, if not, is the test worth the
possible loss of life? It 'Is not a sufficient an
swer to say that men can be found who will
voluntarily take the risk; men can be found,
to take the rfsks 6f the prize ring" and the bull
fight, just as'they were willing to take the risks
of the arena in the days of Rome's decay.
And what is the effect on the spectators?
What is the physical, mental and moral state
of those who have to have such thrills periodi
cally to make life endurable. It is a sad com
mentary on the fashionable life of our cities
that men and women desire such excitement.
Carl Hilty, the Swiss statesman, in his little
book on Happiness says 'that .to be happy one
must have something to do that occupies the
time, employs the mind and satisfies the con
science. One can get more solid comfort out
of useful service than out of the thrills of an
exciting race.
WHO ARE "CONSTITUENTS?"
Mr. Dooloy ought to write a play on "Our
Constituents." Ho would find plenty of ma
terial in the speeches which have been made In
Washlngt6n in favor of protection. The repub
lican leaders say that the policy of "protection"
must be preserved but who is protected?
The manufacturers insist upon protection but
they are a small per cent of any community. A
senator can secure protection for a few manu
facturers in his state, but what about the rest
of his constituents? They have to pay the tax.
Some of the democrats voted for a tariff on
lumber that will help Mr. Weyerhaueser and a
few timber owners but what about the people
who pay the tax? Are they not constituents
also?
What percentage of the constituents in any
district own iron ore?
What percentage of the constituents in any
district raise wool or profit by the duty on
hides?
Is it not about time that somebody repre
sented that large majority the constituents who
get no benefit out of protection, but bear the
burden of all tariff taxes?
And is it not about time that these constitu
ents looked around for representatives who will
not forget them? ALL the voters are constitu
ents, but most of them are UNREPRESENTED
and they will remain UNREPRESENTED until
they make it their business to select senators and
members of congress who can not be controlled
by the FEyV constituents who demand special
privileges and favors.
Whole Number 443
A New Party? No
Tho Commoner receive a letter occasionally
from somo roador who suggests the formatio
of a new party, and tho idea somotlmes -appears
in tho newspapers which are dissatisflod with
tho proceedings at Washington. Tho now party
suggestion is more easily made than carried
out. To plan a now party Is easy; to organize
one of any considerable size Is vory difficult.
There is a certain attractivoness about a now
party; if one can got a few congenial spirits
togother and organize a party on a definite plat
form and pledge it to a definite reform, ho can
have the consolation that comes from associa
tion with companions in agreement with him,
but if his party becomes vory large, differences
of opinion will manifest thomsolves, and these
.differences will becomo moro numerous as the
party increases in strongth. All do not think
.alike on any subject, and fow think aliko on all
subjects. The question that tho reformer has
to decide is not whether he would find a new
party moro congenial, but whether ho can bettor
advance' reforms in a now party than in one
of tho existing parties. Tho Commoner stands
for reforms reforms definite, specific and im
portant, and it -believes that these roforms can
bettor be accomplished, through tho democratic
party than through any new party that could
be organized under present conditions. The
reform element in the democratic party is large
enough to control tho party, and Jf tho reform
oloment were not largo enough to control the
party, it would not bo largo onough to con
tribute materially to tho formation of a now
party, for many moro democrats will enlist
under the banner of reform within the party
than would leave the party and join a new
one. The same can be said of the republican
party a great many moro republicans will at
tempt to reform the republican party than
would leave it and form a now party. Mr.
Cleveland and his friends controlled nearly one
third of tho national convention In 1896 but ho
and they could not form a new party.
The advocates of a new party suggest that
tho reform element of tho democratic party and
tho reform element of tho republican party "Join
together" in tho formation of a new party. That
is not practicable at the present time. The re
former, if ho Is a real reformer, wants .to seo
his reforms carried out ho is so much inter
ested in seeing them carried out that he will
work in the party where he thinks ho can work
to tho best advantage. There are a great many
republican reformers, and it will bo easier to
get republican reformers to act with democratic
reformers in the democratic party than it would
bo to get republican reformers to join with
democratic reformers in organizing a new party,
for the republican reformers know that they
can do more to secure reforms by acting with
the democratic party than they can by acting
through an independent party. And so moro
democratic reformers would bo willing to join
with the republican reformers to carry out re
forms through the republican party than would
be willing to Join with the republican reformers
in the organization of a new party.
Let the democratic reformers fight for the
control of their party, and let the republican
reformers fight for the control of the republican
party. If the democratic reformers control the
democratic party, and tho republican reformers
fail to control the republican party, then let
democrats appeal to republican reformers to
cross the party line and put reforms above party.
The appeal will be headed by a multitude of re
publicans. If, on tho contrary, the republican
reformers secure control of their party and the
democratic reformers lose control of theirs, thero
is no doubt that tho republicans could count
on the support? of many democrat. At present
thq only 3l9ne?. of,. reform,. seems, be through
one of the old parties, and Tho Commoner be-
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