The Commoner.
WILLIAM J. BRYAN, EDITOR AND PROPRIETOR
VOL. 9, NO. 18
Lincolh, Nebraska, May 14, 1909
Whole Number 434
t TT
Mr. Bryan to Florida Legislature
Governor A. W. Gilchrist and Members of the
Senate and House of Representatives of tho
State of Florida
Gentlemen: I greatly regret that I am pre
vented from accepting your invitation by en
gagements made before it was received. I ap
preciate so highly the honor you do me that I
shall say to you in brief what I would say with
tmore elaboration if circumstances permitted me
to address the legislature. I recognize that,
being only a private citizen, my words can have
no weight except as they find response in the
conscience and judgment of those to whom they
are addressed, but the confidence which haB
been expressed in me both by the members of
the legislature and by their constituents em
boldens me to discuss what may be termed the
more fundamental principles of representative
government as government is viewed from the
democratic standpoint. There are two schools
of thought in regard to the duty of the official
the aristocratic theory is that the people elect
a representative to think for them; the demo
cratic theory is, on the contrary, that the people
think for themselves and elect representatives
tp give legal expression to their thoughts and
to voice their sentiments. I need hardly empha
size the fact that our party is committed to the
latter theory, and that democracy teaches that
the representative has no moral right to dis
regard the known wishes of his constituents.
It is sometimes argtfed that a representative
should obey his conscience rather than his con
stituents. . My answer is that he must re gnizo
that his constituents have consciences also, and
that when he can not conscientiously do what
his constituents conscientiously desire him to
do, ho ought to bo conscientious enough to re
sigh and let them select a representative in har
mony with them. I will allow no one to go
beyond me in recognition of the claims of con
science, but I confess that I am suspicious of the
official hose conscience is dormant during the
' campaign and only active when he wants to find
an excuse for doing what his constituents do not
want done, or for refusing to do what his con
stituents want done.
There is such a thing as tho embezzlement of
power and the person guilty of it is as much a
criminal as the one who embezzles money
even more so, for the wrong done by those who
betray a public trust affects more people and
brings more serious consequences than the em
bezzlement of money.
It follows, therefore, that platform pledges
are not only binding, but sacred. If a candi
date dissents from the platform upon which he
runs, he ought to make that dissent known dur
. Ing the campaign and make it known in such
CONTENTS
MR. BRYAN'S LETTER TO THE FLORIDA
LEGISLATURE
ALDRTCH'S HANDIWORK
LET THE PEOPLE RULE
SENATOR BAILEY DEFENDS INCOME
TAX
REPUBLICAN SENATORS ATTACK RE
PUBLICAN POLICIES
REPUBLICAN LEADERS HAVE BUNCOED
THE COUNTRY
. LAW OR LAWLESSNESS WHICH?
MR. DE ARMOND'S BILL
THE COMMONERIS HIGH OFFICE
CLASS IN ARITHMETIC ,
EDUCATIONAL SERIES THE REFORM
IN MAINE r'
COMMENT ON QURRENT TOPICS i
LETTERS FRQM THE PEOPLE; t
, HOME DEPARTMENT a iH
WHETHER CPMMON OR NOT:.
NEWS. OF THE WEElt " - P
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a way as to leave no doubt about the voters
being made acquainted with his position. To
maintain silence during tho campaign, and to
openly endorse a platform and then repudiate
it or be Indifferent to it after tho election, la
inexcusable in a democrat.
Jefferson has said that "tho art of government
is tho art of being honest" and that "tho prin
ciples of right and wrong are so easily discerned
that they require not the aid of many coun
selors." Public officials would have little diffi
culty in agreeing upon tho remedial measures
needed by the public but for the fact that largo
financial interests make their presence felt about
the national and state capitals. Secret obliga
tions made before tho election, or secret influ
ences exerted after tho election, sometimes wean
the representative away from his constituents.
These influences do not always take tho form of
direct bribes; they are more often indirect
promises of future support or favors shown to
relatives or friends. To protect tho representa
tives against these influences publicity as to
campaign funds has been urged and tho demo
cratic national platform demanded that publica
tion bo made before the election, The Nebraska
legislature has caTried out tho democratic plat
form on the subject of contributions, and in
. our state, committees are now required to pub
lish, fifteen days before tho election, all contri
butions abovo $25 received up to that time, and
must thereafter publish such contributions on
the day when they are received. In most of tho
v states we now. have for,tho protection of , legisla
tors legislation" aimed at lobbying, and such
legislation will doubtless accomplish much good.
Our Nebraska legislature has also enacted a
law which gives to the people of our state tho
-benefits of what Is known as the Oregon plan
for the election of the United States senators.
Each candidate for the legislature is given an
opportunity to sign, or refuse to sign, a promise
that he will support tho nominee receiving the
largest number of votes at the election. This
plan has been found to work successfully In
Oregon and its adoption in this state gives our
people a chance to elect United States senators
by direct vote.
The regulation of corporations is usuallly the
most difficult subject with which a legislature
has to deal because of the influence brought to
bear upon the legislature by the corporations.
I will not discuss the liquor question because
different phases of the subject are presented in
different states, and I am not sufficiently well
acquainted with tho situation in Florida to offer
advice. I venture to say, however, that there is
a reform which ought to receive the support of
all, no matter vh ether they believe in prohibi
tion or in the regulation of the liquor traffic
through the license system. The reform that I
speak of is this, that the federal government
should discontinue the issue of licenses for tho
sale of liquor in territory where the local au
thorities have prohibited tho sale. No matter
whether the prohibition operates over an entire
state, a county, a precinct or a city, whenever
the local authorities decide to prohibit the sale
of liquor, their decision 'ought to be respected
by the federal government, whereaB today the
federal government stands ready to go Into part
nership with any person who desires to violate
the local law. According to the terms of the
partnership the government is to receive $25
for each license issued, and the one paying the
$25 for a license to sell liquor where the local
authorities prohibit It takes the chance of get-
. ting enough to reimburse him for what he. has.
paid the government and to give him a profit
besides.
The right of the state to regulate railroads Is
mow universally recognized and the states are
!' rapidly putting themselves' In position to enforce
!' tbeirrlghts through the establishment of rail-,
way commissions. These railway commissions
' should. be! empowered" to. ascertain, the physical
,' valuation kof the railroads as well as to fix rates
and protect tho people of tho state from discrim
inations against persons and places.
Tho trust question is ono with which tho states
must deal. Under our dual form of government
tho monopolistic corporations have been playing
each government against tho other they con
tond that they are engaged in interstate com
merce when tho states attempt to legislate arid
they are staunch advocates of states rights when
ever tho federal government attempts to restrain.
Both tho federal govorument and tho state gov
ernments should employ their powers to the
limit for tho protection of tho public against
the evils of private monopoly, and I believe that
tho best aB well as tho simplest solution "will bo
found in legislation fixing tho percentage of con
trol which a corporation shall exert over the
product in which it deals. This plan has been
endorsed by three national platforms of our
party and I know of no other remedy which Is
so easily applied or which promises to be so
effective.
Ono of tho issues of the late campaign re
lated to tho protection of bank deposits. The
republican party promised a" postal savings bank,
while the democratic party endorsed a system
under which banks will bo required to protect
their depositors by a guaranty fund to which
each bank will contribute in proportion to its
deposits. Tho bankers' association mot just be
fore tho election and denounced both plans, and
tho influence of the leading banks, especially
of tho national banks, Is now being used to de
feat any and every plan which provides for in
creased security. It Is strange that bankers who
make their profit out of the doposlts should
be, .not pny indifferent, but antagonistic to tho
depositors' Interests. Tho only ground upon
Tvhlck, a. bank, can invitt, deposits is thattha
deposits will do repaid on demand, and the
banker who Is not willing to make this presump
tion good will find it difficult to distinguish hie
. conduct from tho conduct of those who obtain
money under false pretenses. Tho banks are
not now sufficiently secure as Is evidenced by
tho fact that tho national government, tho state
governments, the counties and tho cities all re
quire special security. A bank would not like
to exhibit a notico like the following: "We
give specific security to tho federal government,
to state governments, to counties and to cities.
Other depositors arc invited to leave their money
with us without such security." And yet such
a notice would tell tho exact truth.
A large part of the bank's prestige Is duo
to the fact that it does business under a char
ter granted by tho government and is so regu
lated and inspected as to give tho depositors
confidence In Its solvency, and It Is only fair that
In return for the advantages which tho law con
fers, tho bank should bear the light tax neces
bary to protect every depositor from possibility
of loss. But tho guaranty of deposits, by draw
ing money to the bank would givo tho bank an
Increased earning power in excess of the tax
paid.
The stockholder, as well as the depositor,
ought to favor tho guaranty of deposits, for no
honest and conscientious stockholder likes to
contemplate even the poBsbility of a loss to de
positors. Some losses will occur in spite of
foresight and care on the part of those in charge
of a bank, and these losses ought to bo distribut
ed over the banking business as fire losses are
distributed through flro insurance. I have never
heard a stronger argument on the subject pre
sented in fewer words than was presented by a
German farmer of Nebraska who said, "When I
borrow money at the bank, tho banker says, 'yon
got your farmer friends to go your security;'
now, when the bank borrows my money, let It
get its banker friends to go its security."
I have hriefly referred to a few of the sub
jects which may come before your legislature,
and I will only add one suggestion, namely, that
the initiative and referendum are being adopted
by state after state and that they perfect our
1 Representative form of government by bringing
. the government nearer to the people and by
Increasing t)e control of the people over the
government. 4A number of states have already
adopted tho initiative and referendum, Missouri
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