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About The commoner. (Lincoln, Neb.) 1901-1923 | View Entire Issue (Oct. 9, 1908)
L OCTOBER '9, 1908 3 ' tho publication of contributions before the elec tion, but postpones publication of expenditures until after that time. I confess I see no reason why, if contributions aro to bo published before tho election, expenditures should not also bo published. I think that tho character of ex penditures is quite as important as the -character and source of the contributions. I don't know of any election law, either in this country or abroad, which requires tho publication of contri butions or expenditures before the election. The law of -Nebraska on this subject pnly requires thepublication of contributions and: expenditures after the election, ffhis was the, law which, the democratic .managers in 1504 in Nebraska, so flagrantly violated by failing to return tho ro cefpt of $15,000 from Mr. Thomas F. Ryan, . "The most drastic law in this country-. on the subject is that of New York-, which also . makes the time for. publication after the election. . "The proper object of a publicltylaw is -to prevent the use of money- for bribery and other improper purposes, in ejections-and. to enable- tho law officers of tho government and the public, to determine whether the -contributions mado. wore, properly expended 'foe legitimate purposes . . The requirement- that the 'names-and amounts, of .tire persona contributing should, also b.e showa is for the purpose, o enabling the- public-, aniL the . prosecuting officers of tho government' to judge whether subsequent official action 'has. been im properly affected in favor of the contributors by tho successful candidate. This can. all bo accomplished by publication after the election. The chief objection to the publication of cpn tributions before tho election is that, it makes certain that in tho heat of the controversy tho motives of those who contribute to pay the legitimate expenses of the -campaign will bo misconstrued, perverted, and- misrepresented. The candldates.in whose- behalf" the contributions are mado will be charged, in a most unfair way as being completely under the control of those who make the contributions. It is entirely nat ural and proper that men who aro able to con tribute and who are deeply interested from patri otic motives and from motives of a desire to con tinue the general prosperity should contribute to the party whose administration of governmen tal, affairs is likely to bo in accord with their views of proper government. It is not good policy! to discourage thoso who desire to con tribute to the legitimate purposes of the cam paign from so contributing by exposing them to tho bitter diatribes or unfair attacks or slander ous condemnation of partisans in an electoral fight. After the election is over and tho ex penditures and contributions are published, the temptation to misrepresent the motives of tho donors will largely bo minimized, and-the public may then arrive at a just conclusion with re spect to the matter. Nothing could more for cibly support this view than tho illustration fur nished by the attacks now made on Mr. Hughes in which he is charged. with being an agent and creature of tho trusts and financial institutions of Wall Street because among the contributors to the fund expended in legitimate ways during his election for governor were some wealthy men prominent in Wall Street. "There is no man in the country who has demonstrated more completely his entire free dom from corporate control than Governor Hughes, by his administration .of state affairs; and yet for partisan purposes and without the ' slightest evidence except tho contributions, Mr. Bryan refers to him as being completely under trust influence. "A rigid law requiring tho publication in detail of contributions and expenditures within ten days after the election, so that the public may know where the money came from, how much came, how much was expended and for what it was expended, is all that public policy requires. The publication of such contributions will make the successful candidate most careful in deciding questions in which contributors may subsequently have a personal interest, in order to avoid 'any inference of improper influence ""thereby. Tho known publicity to be given to con tributions after the election will greatly reduce the probability that a contribution will be made for the purpose of seeking privileges or favors at tho hands of tho candidate and tends to se cure practical purity of motive in the making of such contributions. "Mr. Bryan looks rather to the publication of such contributions for platform purposes and reference, than to the main purpose of a pub licity law which is to securp the public against bribery in election and the improper influencing of official action-" The Commoner; 2HR. BRYAN'S REPLY TO MR. TAFT On Thursday evening, October 1, at Lin coln, Neb., Mr. Bryan gavo out the following statement: I am surprised to find that Mr. Taft en dorses tho president's views on tho subject of publicity as to campaign contributions, but since he holds these views, I am glad that ho makes them known now. Wo now have pub licity beforo tho election as to his opinion oven if ho does not beliovo in publicity of contribu tions until after- tho election. Ho fails to seo the .difforenco between tho publication of con tributions beforo election, nnd tho publication of expenditures before-election. The publication of expenditures is required to &how whether cor rupt methods have been employed in tho elec tion, and as tho expenditures continue up to tho closo of tho polls, it would bo irapoEsiblo tomako a complete publication until aftor tho "election? tho main reason for tho publication, of contributions bpforo tho election id to show tho public tho source from which tho contribu tions como in order that- tho public-may know which party predatory interests-aro supporting. lilverj' ona who knows-human1 nature knows .that tho element, of gratitude must always be con sidered in human, affairs: Ingratitudo has been, described; as -a worsef sin: than revenge (or. in- grat!tudo repays good- with' evil while revenge . only repays ovij wltlr evil. Every disinterested voter knows that largo contrioutions have been used to secure mortgages upon officials. The publication of contributions throws a great deal moro light upon the influences at work in pol itics than ,tho publication of expenditures, for tho publication ot contributions. show3- to whom tho party Is- indebted and to whom repayment is-llkoly-to bo mado; while the publication of expenditures shows .what has been paid out, and . disbursements do- not create obligations that affect' the course of tho administration. Mr. Taft says that "the proper object of a publicity law is to prevent tho use of money for bribery and other improper purposes in elections and to enable tho law oflltfers of tho government and tho public to determine whether tho contributions mado were properly expended for legitimate purposes." And he adds: "Tho requirement that tho names and amounts of tho persons contributing should also bo shown Is for tho purpose of enabling tho public and tho prosecuting officers of the gov ernment to jifdgo whether "subsequent? official action has been Improperly affected in favor of tho contributors by tho successful candidate." This, lie says, Can all be accomplished by pub lication after the election. Ho then proceeds to indorse tho position taken by tho president, de claring that "the chief objection to the publica tion of contributions beforo the election Is that it makes certain that in tho heat of- tho contro versy the motives of those who contribute to pay the legitimate expenses of tho campaign will bo misconstrued, perverted and misrepre sented." "Tho candidates," ho also Insists, "in whoso behalf tho contributions aro mado will bo charged in the most unfair way as boing com pletely under tho control of those who make tho contributions," Here he makes tho same charge that tho president does, the astounding charge that the voters are so liable to bo misled that the knowl edge must be kept from them. I Insist that It is an Insult to the Intelligence of the voter, and it does little credit to Mr. Taft's judgment of the men to whom ho Is making his appeal. Mr. Roosevelt may have made his statement thought lessly and on the impulse of the moment, but Mr. Taft brings tho same indictment against tho voters with deliberation and after ho has read a criticism of tho president's views. Is it fair to charge, therefore, that Mr. Taft is either ex pecting to receive contributions which would arouso just suspicion among an intelligent peo ple, or contributions which, if known, would arouse an unjust suspicion among a people too ignorant to form a correct judgment upon the facts. This Is an evasion which ho can neither retract nor excuse. It can only be explained by a consciousness that republican campaign meth ods will not bear the light and that it would be dangerous to bin party if tho public knew be foro the election what ho promises to make public after tho election. His subsequent argument that tho publica tion before election of the names and amounts contributed would "discourage those who de sire to contribute to the legitimate purposes of tho campaign" by exposing . them to the bitter diatribes or unfair attacks or slanderous con demnation f partisans in An electoral flgbt" ought to havo little woJght when It Is considered that such publication will bo efficacious In dis couraging those who now desire to contrlbuto to illegitimate expenses and for tho purposo of r,Mli!ng ofllcIaI ""dor obligations to them. While publication after tho election may onnblo us 'to Judgo whothor subsequent official aqllon hns been Improperly affected In favor of tho contributors by tho successful candidate," this is of very small valuo compared with tho ben efit to be derived from tho publication of con tributions beforo election. Tho people havo a right to form their own oplnton ns to tho In fluences which aro at work. They do not need a guardian to protect them from tho misuse of tho knowledgo which Nicy may acquire, and they ought not to bo required to employ do tocllvcu to find out what tho- officials aro doing aftor tho election. Mr. Taft knows that a groat many matters como beforo executives and legis lators whore it is difficult, If not impossible for the average voter to investigate tho facts. 'Tho people hove a right to know in- advance of- olec tlon whether those with special interests to- look aftor are- contributing sums larger than, public spirit, patriotic motives- and general Interest would explain. If, for instance, a candidate for governor isJlkely to havo to pass upon railroad legislation, the people havo a right to know whether men largely interested In preventing railroad' legislation have contributed libornllyto his campaign fund. If a man aspires to an offico In which, if elected, ho will havo to pass upon anti-trust laws, it Is only right that tho public should know to what extent tho tniBt magnates are financing his campaign. And so if 'innnn is a candidate for office which brings him into official connection with tariff legisla tion it is proper for the public to know whothor ho will bo so obliged to tho beneIcfurJcH ot n high- tariff as to- bo embarrassed when he at tompta to protect? the consumer.- Mr. Taft misrepresents what I havo said' In regard to Mr. Hughes. I called attention to some of tho contributions that wore made to Mr. Hughes' fund, nnd in view of tho fact that Mr. Hughes attacks the remedies without ad vancing any remedies of his own, and In view of tho furthor fact that this tostlmony was quoted by the president agalrut mo I asked tho president whether ho thought that these con tributions by trust magnates would lesson or increase tho weight of Mr. Hughes' testimony qn thp subject of Jrusts it-will not dp for Mr. Taft to put Mr, Hughes upon a pedestal -and claim for him immunity from criticism. It is not necessary for mo to pass -judgment upon Mr. Hughes or upon what ho has dono in order to pass judgment upon tho question under dis cussion. He is only human and was ono of "the allies" beforo the Chicago convention. Wo assume that puhllc officials will be honest, and yet wo require bonds of those who handle mon ey, no matter of what character they may bo. The law will not permit a judge, a juror or an official to accept a gift, If tho gift is from one who has an interest In the official action ot the official, and in forbidding this the law does not ask as to tho Character of the official. The law Is based upon human nature and human exper ience, and It Is not necessary to furnish specific proof of special weakness in tho man who re ceives the money, or to provo that his decision was in any manner affected by tho gift. No scales have yet been Invented for tho accurate weighing of the reasons which enter into an official's decision. It is only fair, however, to assume that In using Mr. Hughes' case as an argument, Mr. Taft moans to say that he will not object to contributions from trust magnates, railroad magnates and tariff beneficiaries, no matter how much those contributions, may be, even though he may, if elected, bo compelled to pass upon questions where their demands may be on tho one side and the interests of the general public on tho other. He must not complain if he finds that many republicans of the rank and file will differ from him on this subject, for tho average man will judge aspirants for office by the rules applied to average men. Common sense and the universal judgment aro against Mr. Taft'a position, and against the arguments which ho advances In its support. After giving out the above statement, Mr. Bryan referred to Mr. Taft's statement that Thomas P. Ryan contributed $15,000 to the Nebraska campaign fund In 1904, and said; "This has been denied, but I assume that he has taken the statements of some of his repub lican advisers without taking time to verify those statements, Mr. Ryan did not contribute Bjxy money to tho Nehraaka campaign fund. The 1 1! il! 1 1 rl ifjpiCl Hft'i'l ,-rcf llitnV t f -rAwA'u1 - ...Vjmriifci.&r.ta'jtia. .jw--awaKMjhnttifcaMc f gJiatfiU-r .bU &&, mniiAm.,.