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About The commoner. (Lincoln, Neb.) 1901-1923 | View Entire Issue (Sept. 11, 1908)
S5?n555?!5SSr jMvi',wijpw 4 The Commoner. VOLUME 8, NUMBER 35 1 ' w iff K and the privates in the ranks. As the dividing is done largely by the captains, it is not unnatural that they should magnify their part and appropriate too large a share; neither is it unnatural that there should be complaint on the part of the toilers who think that their recompense is insufficient. The labor question, therefore, as it presents itself at this time, is chiefly a question of distribution, and the legislation asked for is leg islation which will secure to each that to which his services entitle him. As legislation is secured through the ballot every one should use the ballot to obtain the legislation necessary. The democratic plat form presents the ideal toward which the Democratic party is striv ing, namely, justice in the distribution of rewards. The Democratic party proclaims that each individual should receive from society a reward for his toil commensurate with his contribution to the wel fare of society, and unless some other party can do the work better, the Democratic party ought to have the support of all, whether they belong to the wage-earning class or occupy positions in- which they direct the efforts of others. If an officer in the industrial army were sure that his children and his children's children would inherit his position, he might feel possibly indifferent as to those under his com mand, but the children of those who, today, work for wages may employ the children of those who, in this generation, are employers This uncertainty as to future generations, as well as our sense of justice, should lead us to make the government as nearly perfect as possible, for a good government is the best legacy that a parent can leave to his child. Riches may take the wings of the morning and fly away, but government is permanent, and we cannot serve pos terity better than by contributing to the perfection of the govern ment, that each child born into the world may feel that it has here an opportunity for the most complete development, and a chance to secure, through service, the largest possible happiness and honor THE STATE AND THE NATION Extracts from Address Delivered by Mr. Bryan at Peoria, III., September 9 C- l,.-kM The success of our svstem of government rests utmn the careful observance of the constitutional division of power between the state and the nation. A number of expressions have been coined to de scribe the relations existing between tiie federal government and the several subdivisions, but no one has been more ielicitous in defi nitions than Jefferson or more accurate in drawing lines of demar kation. He presented the historic position of the Democratic party when he declared mmseli in favor of ' ' the support of the state gov ernments in all their- rights, as the most competent administrations for our domestic concerns and the surest bulwarks against anti-republican tendencies," and "the preservation of the general govern ment in its whole constitutional vigor, as the sheet anchor of our safety at home and peace abroad." The democratic platform, adopted at Denver, quotes the language of Jefferson and declares that it expresses the party's position at this time. It would be almost as difficult to maintain a free, self-governing republic over a large area and with a large population without state governments as it would be to maintain such a republic without a general government. The interests of the different parts of the country are so varied, and the matters requiring legislative atten tion so numerous, that it would be impossible to have all of the work done at the national capitol. One has only to examine the bills in trod,ucefl va. each Congress, and then add to the number the bills in troduced at the legislative sessions of each of the forty-six states, to realize that it would be beyond the power of any body of men to ibynslate intelligently on the multitude of questions that require cwsideratiattv Not oib woul'cTlimtional legislators lack the time necessary for investigation, auk therefore lack the information necessary to wise decision, but the indifference of representatives in one part of the country to local matters in other parts of the country would invite the abuse of power. Then, tod, the seat of government would be so far from the great majority of the voters as to prevent that scrutiny of public conduct which is essential to clean and honest government. The union of the separate states under a federal government offers the only plan that can adapt itself to indefinite extension. Our constitution expressly reserves to the states and to the people respectively all powers not delegated to the federal government, and only by respecting this division of powers can we hope to keep the government within the reach of the people and responsive to the wiir of the people. Because in all disputes as to the relative spheres of the nation and the states the final decision rests with the federal courts, the tendency is naturally toward centralization, and greater care is required to preserve the reserved rights of the states than to maintain the authority of the general government. In recent years another force has been exerting an increasing in fluence in extending the authority of the central government I re ?? hG FQQ,t ?0VVti0' They prefer the federal courts to the state courts, and employ every possible device to drag litigants be- & KnlSate? dgeS' ey a?S0 prefer coOTionaf regula tion to state regulation, and those interested in large corporation have for years been seeking federal incorporation. IL DemrS party wi 1 resist every attempt to obliterate state linefwheTher the attempt is made through legislation or through iKh tion Amendment of the organic law by fud rial mterreSon would be destructive of constitutional government ESntto can be amended by the people in accordance withhTte?mfof document itself, and no group of men, however honorabir0r hih minded can usurp this power without violating ZCdamenM principles of our government. b unaamentai It has been . suggested that the rights of the qtntp iQ through non-use, and that Congress is justified 1Z l P thority of the state if the state fafls SSS WMe' this doctrine has hp.p.-n ailtmnnaA i ,. jj --... . ., . -. - .ww u uuo Aci$;juueu merest, 01 xne peo ple, it is as insidious and as dangerous an assault as has ever been made on our constitutional form of government. The people of the state can act with more promptness than the people of the nation, State prefTr Saction. "" "' the peoPle of oniSS IT LPUrP?Se that .those have in view wno complain of the in-. fh?rrff ? ' 1tnt mre Strict "ffdation of corporations, but the relief of corporations from state regulation. The Democratic party favors the full exercise of the powers of the SEES? f f th.e P.rtf tion of the rights of the peopl ach gov! eminent to act within its constitutional sphere. Our platform de Stlon? federal legislation be added noi STltt; nwfPreV0ry corPorations have taken advantage of the dual character of our government and have tried to hide behind state rights when prosecuted in the federal courts and behind tta Tinted state coSerCe f thG constitution when Prosecuted in the tJSwi, ni TW a between the nation and the. state in' which the exploiting mterestsvcan take refuge from both;, "There is lW && where beyond the jurisdiction of either sover! eignty, the plunderers of the public can find a safe retreat. As Iouff as a corporation confines its activities to the state in which it Was created, it is subject to state regulation only; but as soon as it in vades interstate commerce it becomes amenable to federal laws as weU as to the laws of the state which created it and the laws of the states in which it does business. How strict can these laws be? Just as strict as may be necessarv for the protection of the public. y necessarv Our platform outlines the regulation deemed necessary, and the regulation u specifically set forth in order thatour opponents may Xtfn t(?.tcarlthe PIN? Predicting hurtful leSSn. 7Z 2?S platfo- y -cans -d tiotThrnL18 ?VV between.the railroads and other corpora be MUJT a ?u?Jic corporation and, as such, oeing permitted to exercise a part of the sovereignty of the state is b5& ref-n -aVhf andS f b0th th nLTtAtt ! t0fPPle the railroads but to in! as the sShowirf ?h? PeoPle aVf g are as much interested as me stockholders are in the successful operation of the railroads Their own pecuniary interests as well as their sense of iustke would restrain them from doing anything that would tnStrSm 1$M$ VfelingW is vita&dtdthe payment of wages sufficient to command the most intelligent service trains, guard the switches, and keep the track in repair. aSSST Vrty WOUld distillguish between those railroad Z Si?; te San.d manaSer who, recognizing their obligation to eMEM? the Jalanes bv conscientious devotion to the work whTi VmST and thSe FPous "Napoleons of Finance" rtard t ffiS.ES" in a eat ambUnS me without T? tw gh Pkyes r to the interests of the patrons. Li fhp j.nter r f bonest aUroading and legitimate investment that the Democratic party seeks to ascertain the present value of the railroad properties and to prevent for the futoe the wteriSr of Uf fictitir capitalization; and it S Kter est of both the railroads and the public that it seeks onlv such re- tion, without deterioration in the service and without iniustice to legitimate investments. The Democratic part iSSta Sf Si the matter of regulation of railroads both iSS4 S I 'wtm a r LlZt.',??, ,. .y .frWt.T