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The Commoner.
AUGUST 28, 1908
3
on the broad principles of protection for all American interests
alike for labor and capital, for producers and consumers."
The hundreds of thousands of American working men who
are now vainly seeking employment, were doubtless delighted when
they read about that "industrial prosperity" which so "surpassed
our most roseate expectations."
In thousands of American homes, families will gather about
dinner tables which for many months have not been encumbered
with a beef steak, and indulge in "roseate expectations" of their
own.
American manufacturers, whose factories are idle by reason of
a restricted market, and whose business has been crippled by reason
of a high tariff on raw materials, will read this speech with peculiar
satisfaction.
If by reason of the high tariff tax provided for in the Dingley
bill, factories were opened, and labor given employment at remuner
ative wages, and our "roseate expectations" realized, why should
we now, when factories are dosed, and an army of men unemployed,
seek to revise that beneficient measure at all.
If the wages of labor depend upon a high tariff, why should any
man favor a reduction of that tariff?
r If, after eleven years of surpassing prosperity, brought about
by the Dingley bill, business languishes, and labor suffers, why not
excite some more "roseate expectations" by raising the tariff rates,
to. the end that there may be a much needed revival of business,
and that labor may again find employment?
The voters of America are not likely to be deceived as to the
tariff question by the stock arguments of the opposition.
The average voter understands that the tariff really is a tax
to be paid by the consumer of the article taxed. He knows that
taxes in excess of the needs of government are unjust and oppres
sive, and that extravagance in governmental administration in
dulged in for the mere-purpose of creating a necessity for additional
taxation, is profligacy.
He is also coming to know that the use.of the taxing power of
the government in such ways that a few beneficiaries may enrich
themselves -by levying tribute upon the masses, is legalized robbery.
Every legitimate business interest in the country is demanding
tariff reform.
The manufacturer, who is not a monopolist, is demanding
cheaper raw materials and a wider market for his products.
. The worldngman understands that a restricted market means
fireless furnaces and enforced idleness. He knows that American
workingmen with their superior intelligence and ingenuity, with
their improved machinery, with cheap raw materials, and earning
for their employers more than twice as much as the laborers of
any other country, have nothing to fear from competition with
workmen anywhere, when the products of their labor are set down
side by side in the markets of the world. The American worldng
man has had bitter experience under the operation of the Dingley
bill. Under the shelter of this tariff wall, trusts and combines have
sprung up on every hand, and with extortionate prices confront the
consumer on every hand when he seeks to buy the necessaries of
life.
Under this system the cost of living so increased as to absorb
the earnings of the laborer, after the most rigid economy and self
denial on his part and that of his family. And it is a noteworthy
fact, that when, as an inevitable result of the fiscal policy of the
republican party, the panic of 1907 came, hundreds of thousands
of these American laborers were thrown out of employment, and
instead of being able to draw upon the fabulous savings bank ac
counts so exploited in political literature in recent campaigns, found
themselves and families in a state of destitution.
The soup houses of 1907-8 in the large cities of the country,
were a realization of but a part of the "roseate expectations" of
republican statesmen.
The farmer understands that while he has to buy everything in
a protected market, where, on nearly every purchase, he is com
pelled to pay tribute to the trusts and tariff beneficiaries, he is
compelled to sell his surplusproducts in a free trade market where
he comes in competition with all the rest of the world.
He looks no longer with indifference upon the fact that the
farmer of Canada, Argentina, Australia and other civilized countries
buys agricultural implements of American manufacture cheaper
than they are sold to him. In these days American farmers read and
think, and are fully advised as to the evils of a system which invites
such enormities.
Thinking people of all classes are becoming interested in the
moral aspect of this question. The president in vigorous language,
has pointed out the evils which have grown out of the existence
of "swollen fortunes," the most of which have been amassed by
the beneficiaries of this system.
Senator LaPollette, in a speech delivered m the senate last
March, exhibited a.list of less than one hundred men who, no de
clared, controlled the industrial life of the nation, and held in their
hands the business of the country. A casual reading of thin Hit
shows that it is made up of men who have been the beneficiaries
of legislation or favorites in the administration of the law.
The president rails against swollen fortunes as menaces to the
public welfare and as promotive of evils which eat at the very heart
of society. As remedies he has suggested an income tax and an
inheritance tax, that their growth may be to some extent checked.
The national convention of his party is silent upon the quei
tion of these proposed reforms, while the possessors of most of
these swollen fortunes, allied as they are with the dominant forces
of the republican party, arc giving generous support to the repub
lican national ticket.
The democratic party, while favoring the reform measures re
pudiated by the republican national convention, has another remedy.
It would, by legislation, in large degree cut off the streams of
money which, under the present system, are flowing from every
home in the land and emptying into the coffers of the trusts.
It would leave in the pockets of the producers and laborer of
this country every dollar of the money they earn, save only such
amounts as may be needed for the economical administration of the
government.
It would, by rigorous law enforcement, strike down private
monopolies which prey upon the people, and protect the public
against extortion and imposition by the great "public corporation!,
whether by excessive charges or by over issue of stocks and
securities.
In other words, it would undertake to bring about in gov
ernment, a realization of that good old democratic maxim of
Thomas Jefferson, "Equal and exact justice to all men; special
privileges to none. ' '
It has no war to wage on capital. It ha no quarrel with cor
porations honestly capitalized, which carrypn a legitimate business
according to law. It will encourage the investment of capital in
the development of the country and protect it when invested.
It will draw a sharp line between lawful business lawfully con
ducted, and unlawful business or business carried on in defiance
of law and the rights of the public, protecting the one and protecting
society from the other.
It calls upon men and corporations lawfully engaged in legit
mate business not to ally themselves with men or corporations en
gaged in lawless ventures but to take a stand with the democratic
party in favor of such reforms as will purge the business world of
lawlessness and legalized extortion, to the end that honest capital,
and honest labor may go forward, hand in hand in the development
of the country, each yielding to each its just due in a spirit of fair
ness, and all striving for the time when the door of opportunity shall
be open to all who desire and deserve to enter.
I will not at this time discuss the several planks of the national
platform. I endorse that platform in all its parts, and pledge my
best endeavors towards securing the reforms to which the party
is by its terms committed. As the campaign progresses, I shall
discuss its various features, from time to time, as opportunity
presents.
There was perfect unanimity in the convention as to the adop
tion of this declaration of principles. Men from every state, dis
tinguished for their ability and patriotism, prepared, and presented
it as a platform upon which all American voters, who are in favor
of the rule of the people, can conscientiously stand.
Gentlemen, we enter upon this campaign with every prospect
of success. Never has a political platform been received with such
favor by all classes of people, and never has a candidate been pre
sented by any party, who was closer to the hearts of the people than
our matchless standard bearer, William J. Bryan.
There is a movement amongst the people for better government
which is growing in force day by day. It is confined to no ont
party, but men of all parties, all trades and occupations are coming
together and making common cause in behalf of a restoration of a
government of the people, for the people, and by the people.
We must and will win this battle without the use of money,
or the aid of corporate power. If our adversaries so desire, let
them pursue that course.
But there are times in the life of a nation like this when money
and coercive influences are of no avail.
There comes a time when the quickened consciences of an en
lightened people impel action, which neither money nor influence
can check. That time, in my judgment, is here. Let every man from
this hour forward, perform his duty in a manly and honorable way.
Let this be a campaign of education and argument. Let our
appeals be to the reason and patriotism of- the American people.
Let us be' vigilant and unceasing in honest work for a righteous
cause, and a glorious victory in November will crown our efforti.
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