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The Commoner.
VOLUME .8, NUMBER 14
4
Mr. Bryan to the New York American
Tho Now York American prints, under date
of Lincoln, Neb., the following dispatch:
"In tho long run a party's strength must
depend on tho popularity of Its policies, and,
measured by this rule, thoro Is no doubt that
tho democratic party Is much stronger than it
was either in 1896 or 1900."
Such was tho confident assertion made to
tho representative of tho Examiner by Mr. Bryan
in Uio library of his home In tho outskirts of
Lincoln. It was, perhaps, partly in answer to
felicitations on tho pleasant augury of a meeting
on March 4, with a delicate intimation that a
yoar honco tho democratic leader may occupy
tho White House. Mr. Bryan has returned from
a trip through a portion of tho south.
lie laughed when It was suggested that ho
had hurried homo on account of illness, and de
clared that tho newspapers w6ro responsible
wholly for tho statement. "In fact," said he,
"I novor felt better in my life," and his appear
ance boro out tho boast. Ho explained further
that ho had come home because his engagements
were all cleared up and thero was no better place
to como to.
Tho beauty and comfort of Mr. Bryan s
rosidonco would justify this remark, if an ex
ception may bo taken to tho zones of mud, in
tho way of streots, which encompass tho estate
and accompany tho traveler three miles or more
back to Lincoln. If thoro Is a ringing plank
favoring good roads in tho next democratic na
tional platform it may bo presumed that it will
onjoy Mr. Bryan's fullest indorsement.
When it became perfectly clear that there
was nothing to apprehend In tho matter of ill
ness so far as Mr. Bryan is concerned, and that
ho Is not impairing his constitution by worry
ing over what, may bo accomplished in Denver
next summer, it was further suggested to him
that, with his approbation, the Hearst papers
would, bo glad to print a complete statement of
his views of the campaign, the paramount issue,
and his idea of the way to win. Mr. -Bryan is
n fluent talker, ho has ideas, and ho does not
hesitato to expross thorn. So he at once accepted
tho suggestion.
"So far as the issues . are concerned," he
said, "tho platform adopted In Nebraska last
fall covered these issues, I think, in a very sat
isfactory manner as they were presented then.
Not to specify everything, it declared for a vigor
ous enforcement of tho criminal law against
trusts, insisted on further prohibitive legisla
tion to restrain corporations from contributing
to campaign funds and favored tho election of
senators by direct popular vote. It argued for
an immediate reviplon of tho tariff by a reduc
tion of import duty, spoke for an income tax
ub a part of the revenue system and protested '
against government by injunction.
"These and other Issues found in that plat
form wero, I repeat, presented satisfactorily,
with tho exception of the subject of interior wa
terways. 1 am very much in favor of appropria
tions for tho improvement of tho Mississippi,
the Missouri, tho Ohio and such other streams
as can bo made useful for commerce. The
saving would bo vory great, and a plank cover
ing this subject should bo added to the Nebraska
platform. Since that platform was adopted the
panic has como on, and it has brought forward
two questions which are now being discussed
much more than they have been in recent years,
namely, emergency currency and tho protection
to depositors.
"I think these questions will enter into the
coming campaign, and I am fully in sympathy
with tho position taken by tho democrats in the
senate and house in favor of United States notes
Instead of bank notes for emergency currency.
Whatover omergoncy currency is issued ought to
bo issued by tho government and controlled by
the government in the interest of the whole
pooplo. It should not bo issued and controlled
by banks in their own interest. If the principle
of government issue of these notes is conceded
then tho question of security will not be difficult
to settle. The Aldrlch bill is bad in that it pro
vides for the issuo of bank notes as emergency
notes, and It is also bad in that it permits tho
use of railroad bonds as a basis of security I
' believo that only state, county, township and
municipal bonds should be used.
"It is possiblo that loans -might bo made to
clearing houses without security, if tho clearing
houses are authorized by a sufficient number of
hanks to make the government absolutely secure,
w ww liUMiiuu ui Buvumy may do easily deter
mined if the right of the government to issue the
currency is admitted. The protection of deposi
tors has become an important issue and should
bo dealt with. We should have both state and
federal legislation on this subject state legis
lation for the protection of depositors in state
banks and federal legislation for the protection
of depositors in national banks; but in order
that no discrimination should bo made against
oither kind of banks, I believe that the state
guarantee should permit national banks to take
advantage of them until a federal system is
adopted and a federal law ought to permit state
banks to take advantage of It in states where
there is no state system of guarantee. The
Oklahoma law is the best that I have seen.
Without putting any responsibility upon the gov
ernment it authorizes the banking board to col
lect assessments from all the banks for the
protection of the depositors of each bank and
thus give to each bank the strength of all the
banks. I would like to see this subject dealt
with by the national convention.
"There is one other question," Mr. Bryan
continued, "which has grown in importance since
the Nebraska platform was written and that is
the question affecting the relative spheres of
the state and the nation. I believe that the
Denver convention should take strong ground
in favor of preserving to the states all the rights
they now have in the legislative control of cor
porations and that federal remedy should he
added to state remedies and not substituted for
them."
"What, then, do you consider the paramount
or most absorbing issue of 1908?"
"Tho only issue," Mr. Bryan replied quickly,
"which manifests itself in all the other issues
is this: Shall the government be administered
for the protection of the rights and the advance
ment of the Interests of the general public, or
shall it be controlled by the representative of
corporate wealth and administered in the inter
est of tho few? The trust question, the tariff
question, the labor question and all other ques
tions involve this issue. All the abuses of which
the people complain rest upon the privileges and
tho favoritism secured by favor seeking corpora
tions, and these privileges or favors are always
at the expense of -the masses."
"You have been quoted as saying that the
silver issue will not enter into the coming cam
paign." "Yes, I have said that, and repeat it.' The
silver issue grew out of the scarcity of money,
because this scarcity of money lowered the level
of prices and increased the purchasing power
of the dollar. Silver was the only relief in sight,
and those who favored the restoration of bimet
allism favored it for the purpose of restoring
prices. The increased production of gold has
not only stopped tho fall of prices, but it has
actually raised the level of prices something like
thirty per cent, and the silver question has dis
appeared from politics because the end sought
by bimetallists namely more' money has bee"n
secured in another way and from another
source."
"Bringing the conversation down to a per
sonal basis, Mr. Bryan," are you willing to say
that you believe you will be nominated at
Denver?"
Mr. Bryan smiled. "I would not care to
make any prediction in regard to my position
in the campaign," he said. "While all the dele
gates so far selected have been instructed for
me, only a few states and some scattering dis
tricts have acted."
"What special reason have you for believ
ing that the' party has a better chance of victorv
. this year than in 189G and lyOO?"
"In 18 9 G our party was divided, almost all
of our prominent democrats going off with what
was called the conservative element. We had
to rely upon new men in the organization and
new speakers, and we wero almost without laree
dailies, Mr. Hearst's New York Journal beimr
one of the very few metropolitan papers that
supported the ticket. We polled that year a
million more votes than the party polled four
years before, but the increase in the republican
vote was so enormous that we were defeated in
spite of the increase in the democratic vote, and
in that campaign we had to meet the West
campaign fund that was ever raised. lulebt
"We had the opposition of nearly all the
leading newspapers and we also had against
us the coercion practiced by the banks and the
insurance companies and the large corporate
employers of labor. In spite of all these things!
the change of 20,000 votes in the' close states
would have changed the result. In 1900 we were
handicapped by the fact that our opponents
claimed credit for a prosperity that had come
with an increase in the volume of money and
with better crops, and we were also handicapped
by the fact that the administration had just fin
ished a successful war against Spain.
"We were further embarrassed by an insur
rection in tho Philippine Islands, and in spite
of these disadvantages we polled within about
150,000 votes of the vote polled in 1896. I
have made these statements in order that I may
better explain the present prospect of success.
Twelve years have elapsed since 1896, and we
have had time to see the fruits of republican
victory. The government was sold to the high
est bidder in 1896, and those who bought it
ghave administered it without regard to the wel
fare of tho public, for the republican leaders
have, with few exceptions, been t?ie obedient ser
vants of the great predatory interests.
"They sowed the wind, and they are now
reaping the whirlwind. The people have had
time to study the situation and as a result dem
ocratic policies have grown in popularity and
republican policies have diminished in popu
larity. Plank after plank has been borrowed
from the democratic platform, and the presi
dent's popularity has been won by the indorse
ment of the remedies which the democrats have
advocated. In the long run a party's strength
must depend upon the popularity of its policies,
and, measured by this rule, there is no doubt
that the democratic party is much stronger than
it was either in 1896 or 1900.
"A second cause for hope is to be found
in the fact that the democratic party is more
united than it has been before in years, while
the republican party is more divided than it has
ever been during its history. The division in
the republican party has been caused -by the
very same influence which has united the demo
cratic party; namely, the growth in public senti
ment favorable to democratic ideas. Men who
violently opposed the democratic platform 4n
1896 recognize it as presenting the solution, of
the questions with 'which we are dealing and
this also, without doubt, has separated the re
publican reformer from the republican stand
patter, while it has been bringing the rear guard
t of the democratic party up to the firing line.
The third cause for hope is to be found in the
moral awakening apparent throughout the land
which has quickened tho conscience and there
fore made it more susceptible to the democratic
principle, which is essentially an appeal for jus
tice. These three reasons may be the most im
portant ones, and I think they justify the party
in hoping for a victory."
"Assuming that you are nominated at Den
ver, have you reason to believe that you will
have the hearty support of the leaders of the
party?"
Mr. Bryan received the question placidly.
"If I am nominated at Denver," he answered. "I
have no doubt that I shall receive the support
of practically all -of the democrats who stand
in a position of leadership. I do not know of
any considerable number," he added, with a
smile half serious, half jocose, "who have indi
cated an intention to bolt in case of my nomina
tion. Not a senator, nor a member of congress,
nor a public official anywhere in the party, so
tar as I know. While some have expressed a
preference for other candidates, I know of no
prominent democrat who has announced-his in
tention to act with the republicans in case I
am nominated."
"Is it not .true that there are certain in
fluences, journalistic and otherwise, that have
been hostile to you and your nomination?"
Mr. Bryan declined to go specifically into
this question, or to express any positive opinion
concerning such influences, whether journalistic
or personal. But in a general way he replied
with considerable spirit.
"Yes, it is true that a number of news
papers and some have opposed my nomination
and some prominent democrats have expressed
a desire for the nomination of some one else;
but there is quite a difference between prefer
ring the nomination of another democrat and
the election of a republican. I do not know,
of course, what newspapers may oppose my elec
tion if I am nominated, but I take it for granted
that public sentiment can be better gauged by
the votes of the democrats who send delegates
to the convention than it can by the editorials
of newspapers, especially when those newspapers
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