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About The commoner. (Lincoln, Neb.) 1901-1923 | View Entire Issue (April 3, 1908)
jj-w'4 jvym i The Commoner. 2 A4JC3B8SG! i M u v. il dual ronn of govonnnont, and believed in Ujo wisdom or mid lho noroswity for this division of fi'i,un mii Jmii i Mm Mf.rh-t construc- powor. UUmj WIU7 IIUIU ' "' "V. .ww . . i.t. r Mi, fMiiHMhiMon on Lis subject obtained control of llio government eleven years uftor lho const Million was framed, :iml rot.'iinod con trol for h quarter of a crjiiLnry. Hill admllling IIulL tho fnunorH of tho con- hI ilu I ion unci tiioKo wIjo lived in tho early days MI II I f illKI IIM" IlilLMJII J I IM- lliiiii'ir. w. -.. constitution recognized Hie possimmy u unm in themselves and lho possibility of change in condilions, and thoroforn provided a way of amending llio constitution. If the time has fomo for obliterating slate lines and consolidat ing all aulliorlly, legislative, jiidicial and execu tive, n( Washington, it can be done by constitu tional amendment whenever three-fourths of the states are willing to ratify such an amendment. Mul is there any demand for a surrender by the stall's of lho powers reserved to them? On the contrary, every reason which existed one hundred and eighteen years ago exists now, and those reasons are even stronger than they for merly were, because of the increase in the area and population or the nation. Then there wero a few million people scattered along tho eastern coast. The thirteen slates have grown to forty six, and eighty millions of people are now gov erning themselves through the machinery sot in motion by the constitutional convention of 17S9. Tho slates are even more needed than they formerly were for the administration of domes tic affairs. As a matter of theory, that govern ment is best which is nearest, to the people. If there is any soundness at all in tho doctrine of self-government, lho people can act most in telligently upon matters with which they are most familiar. There are a multitude of tilings which can be done better by the county than by state authority, and there are a multitude of things which can bo done better by tho state than by the federal government. Tho logical result of tho decision in the Minnesota and North Carolina cases is tho trans fer, ultimately, to the national capltol of tho business now conducted at the state capltols, and to this In the opinion of Tho Commoner tho American people will nevor consent. & & & & NO WON I) UK After considerable effort congress passed a bill that stopped rebates and enabled tho rail roads to keep what they had formerly returned in tho way of rebates to favored shippers. Tho railroads weakened tho bill as much as pos sible and no ono knows yet how valuable or valueless tho measure will prove. But tho stato legislatures went in to work In tho error t to lower rates. A number of legis latures onacted two cont fare laws and soire reduced freight rates. i ,1,nmoiJJjlly railroad magnates began to plead lor 'federal regulation" meaning exclu sive federal regulation and tho decision of tho supremo court in tho Minnesota and North Caro lina cases is spoken of by these railroad mag nates with tho highest sort of compliment No wonder the railroads want to get away from state legislatures. The stato legislatures aro near to the people and quickly respond to public sentiment, while tho national congress is more remote and harder to reach. & & j jjt DRAWING THE LINUS Democrats draw a distinct lino between fed ora legislation which is supplemental to state log s ation, and that form of federal legislation which would substitute a national f ?? ate remedy. No national charter should be granted to an Insurance company, and no federal super vision should interfere with the exercise of tho power now vested In the states to supervise companies doing business in such states lho democrat would not take from tho federal government any power necessary to to performance of Its legitimate duties but o recognizes that the consolidation of all govern ment at. Washington would be a men ace ?o l m safety of the nation and would eiulAnirer S perpetuity of the republic. 1 e be & hi o preservation of the power of both state and fed oral governments, recognizing in tin l !, t?d" tlonal division of those" powers Uiorengf VI ,, , "I'ninisue wnen tho dun trove e contnlhaiion are pointed out. llS V not "M that any harm can come to the American people, and yet no enthusiastic advocate of centraliza tion can talk long without betraying his distrust of tho people. Instead of accepting the theory that tho people should think for themselves and then select representatives to carry out those thoughts, ho believes that representatives are selected to think for tho people and he does not hesitate to build barriers between tho government and tho voters. While the advo cate of centralization is urging legislation which obliterates state lines and removes the govern ment from the control of the voters, the monop olist may, on the other hand, hide behind the democratic theory of self government and use this theory to prevent national legislation which may be necessary. The democrat who believes in democratic principles and who wants to pre serve the dual character of our government must bo on his guard against both. if ! it it c lis j7 us lel l 7 ( THE PEOPLE? PSHAW! The "Financial Age," published at New York, printod in its issue of March 23, this editorial: HOPES FOR ALDRICH BILL "The removal of the railroad bond feature from tho Aldrich bill-provokes the question: Is currency legislation something to please a vot ing constituency, or is it something for the financial betterment of a people? This action is considered a direct play to the west and south west, and it may save a congressman or two. There is another question, of course even with this feature eliminated, does the bill answer the purpose? That question is of considerable im portance." In other words, is currency legislation or any other legislation for that matter to be for the benefit of the people or for the advantage of a coterie of individuals? The editor of tho "Financial Age" evidently thinks that currency legislation should be passed In accordance with the pleasure of the financier. Then railroad legislation should be arranged by tho railroad magnates; trust legis lation by tho trust magnates; tariff legislation by the tariff beneficiaries and so on down the lino. But the people who are the people any how, if they are not the men who provide the republican party with its campaign funds? to to to to EPOCH MAKING Attorney General Young of Minnesota says that in the light of the recent decision by the United States supreme court state governments might as well surrender all their functions to the federal judge located in the state. It is one of tho most important opinions ever delivered by a court. Indeed, it may prove to be an epoch making decision, for most assuredly the Amer ican people aro not prepared to consent to the centralization that would prevail under the sys tem as upheld by the court in these cases The division of the powers of government was 'found ed upon the doctrine of self government, and the preservation of the nation depends upon the careful observance of the limitations between the things that are local and the things thVf are national. Those wlTo do not recognize the doctrine of local self government can make an argument in favor of the transfer of all power to the federal government; but those who believe the doctrine of self government recogntee that the people can be trusted best with tint with which they are best acquainted a, hat tho people are best acquainted with the thinS which are near them and immediately 'concern DENOUNCING LILLEY Representative Lilley of Connecticut iQ h ing roundly denounced for making such strong charges of undue influence in connect nnuiS the submarine boat business, no becauS fW h wrongfulness of the charges but Sf, f the republican he should haknwVbottS? tha to bring up such a matter right in thJ ? w mug of a campaign in which tie g o Sin 5dherSnuf.ty f trUb, W,thout thhSp VS iS J & & WHAT? ft,?6" ?,ork- mfTn' VOLUME 8, NUMBER 12 of a committee to fix the price of stock he hold and was about to sell to the Union Pacific. Job a G. Milburn, Mr. Harriman's counsel, retorted "I know, but what are you going to do about it?" There are a great many things which old fashioned people regard as gross improprieties to put it mildly. It is the duty of the citizen to make inquiry concerning these matters and to do his part by way of providing remedy for public evils. "What are you going to do about it?" has ever been the plutocratic question. When your republican neighbor complains of the impositions put upon him under republican ad ministration ask him in plutocratic vernacular "What are you going to do about it?" and then tell him that the remedy is in his own hands. to to to to AN OLD-FASHIONED MAN In his dissenting opinion in the railroad cases recently decided by the United States su preme court, Mr. Justice Harlan said: "Neither the words nor the policy of tho eleventh amendment will, under our former de cisions, justify any order of a federal court tho necessary effect of which will be to exclude a state from its own courts. "Such an order, attended by such results, can not, I submit, be sustained consistently with the powers which the state, according to the uniform declarations of this court, possess under the constitution. "I am justified by what this court has de clared in now saying that the wise men who framed the constitution and who caused tho adoption of the eleventh amendment would havo been startled by the suggestion that a state of the union can be prevented by an order of a subordinate federal court from being repre sented by its attorney general in a suit brought by the state in one of its own courts." Mr. Justice Harlan is plainly an old-fashioned man. But somehow er other he usually hits the nail on the head and somehow or other his opinions, whether affirmative or dissenting, command more than ordinary respect among tho masses of the people. to to to to WAS MR. ROOT A PROPHET? The decision of the United States supremo court in the Minnesota and North Carolina rail road cases recalls the statement made by Secre tary of State Root in his speech delivered some thing like two years ago. Following is an ex tract from Mr. Root's speech: "What is to be the future of the states of the union under our constitutional form of government? The con ditions under which the clauses of the constitu tion distributing powers to the national and state governments ARE HENCEFORTH TO BE APPLIED are widely different from the con ditions which were, or could have been, within the contemplation of the framers of the con stitution, and widely different from those which obtained during the earlier years of the republic." Was Mr. Root a prophet? to to to to THEN CABLE THE COURT In his speech at Trenton, N. J., Secretary Taft deplored what he called "too great central ization of government," and attributed it to the failure of state legislators to perform their proper functions. About the time Secretary Taft made this remarkable statement the su preme court of the United States was handing down a decision that in effect prevents a state legislature from rerforming its functions. Further than that, the decision actually goes to the length of saying that a state official may be enjoined by a federal court from appearing in a state court to move for the enforcement of a state law. Secretary Taft seems to be some what mixed In his ideas. "CASTING SHADOWS BEFORE" Congressman Littlefield of Maine has re signed, explaining that he desires to return to the practice of law. Congressman Cousins of lowa also announced that he would retire he n .Vefire? t0 return to the practice of law. uan it be that aside from a great love for their profession Messrs. Cousins and Littlefield be ?T e,?l,at tllG old slliI Is leaking now," and Ji1 is VV3 ,part of wisdom to go ashore be- vemb ? g0GS t0 the bottom ln No" V V -j..i,i.j! f kt,4.iidnu---