mm
The Commoner.
3
FEBRUARY 14, 1908
LET THE LIGHT BE TURNED ON
THE PULITZER INVESTMENTS
In its issue of January 10, The Commoner
referred to: "The New York World and the
special interests it represents."
On January 10 Mr. Bryan received tho fol
lowing telegram:
"NeW York, January 10. Hon. W. J.
Bryan, Lincoln, Neh.: Always eager to print
all the news tho World respectfully invites and
urges you to furnish it with tho list of special
interests you say in The Commoner it repre
sents. Any answer you may send is prepaid.
"WORLD."
This was answered by the following tele
gram: , ,,, , ,
"January 11, 1908. New York World,
New York City, N. Y.: Your telegram asking
me to name the special interests your paper rep
resents received. I understand Mr. Joseph Pul
itzer is practically sole owner of the World
and as railroad regulation and tho elimination
of private monopolies are pending issues I can
answer your inquiry more fully if the World
will state editorially what pecuniary interest,
if any, Mr. Pulitzer or the World has in rail
road stocks or bonds and what in corporations
commonly known as trusts.
"W. J. BRYAN."
Although the World had intimated that it
would print Mr. Bryan's reply, his telegram dated
January 11 seems to have been lost in the
World's editorial rooms. At all events the
World did not make it public.
On February 4 while Mr. Bryan was in New
.York City the editor of the World sent to him
a reporter to ask several questions and Mr.
Bryan consented to make a statement provided
his statement were printed in full.
Following are extracts from that, state
ment: Mr. Bryan: "And now you may add a
question from me: The World telegraphed
me and asked me to name the special in
terests which it represented. I answered,
asking the World to state editorially what
- financial interest, if any, Mr. Pulitzer of the
World had in the stocks and bonds of rail
roads or in the corporations generally
known as trusts. This information would
enable me to answer its question more
- fully. The question had not been answered
when I left home. When the World ad
vises the democratic party the party ought
to be in a position to know just what pecu
niary interests the World or its owner has
- in the questions which the World dis
cusses." World Reporter: "Would ownership
" of railroad stocks or bonds disqualify any
one from advising on public questions?"
Mr. Bryan: "His ownership of stocks
and bonds of railroads or predatory cor
porations would not disqualify him for dis
, cussing questions, but if the public knows
just what his financial interests are, it can
better judge what weight to give to his
editorials."
In its issue of February G the World plainly
dodges the question submitted by Mr. Bryan
and, reiterating a number of questions as to
what states Mr. Bryan expects to carry in the
event of his nomination, seeks to dispose of
Mr. Bryan's suggestions concerning the invest
ments of the New York World owner with this
editorial statement:
"Mr. Bryan's opinion of the World is
always interesting. The columns of the
World are always open to him for the ex-
- presslon of his views on any subject,
whether it be the management of this news
paper, or 'the map of Bryanlsm,' or any of
the issues of a presidential contest. But
in the midst of a campaign involving, a
. question of democratic life or death we can
not stop to bandy personalities with even
so eminent and distinguished an opponent
as he. In the eloquent words of Mr.
- Bryan's speech at Chicago in 189G which
won him the democratic nomination for
presi&snt: ' cfcjsct to brinfetag this ques
tion down to the level of persons. The in
dividual is but an atom; he is born, he acts,
he dies; rut principles are eternal, and this
has been a contest over a principle.' "
Mr. Bryan's statement concerning the rela
tive unimportance of persons Is just as true
now as it was in 1896. Mr. Bryan well under
stands that the bitter attacks made upon him
by the New York World are not duo to any per
sonal illwill entertained for him by any ono
in authority in the World's office. Indeed in
The Commoner editorial to which tho World
took exception this statement was made:
"The Now York World is not a demo
cratic paper. Its advice to democrats can
not be relied upon. Its proprietor, nor its
editors, has not the slightest reason for
personal unfriendliness toward Mr. Bryan.
Their antipathy to the editor of Tho Com
moner lies deeper than anything of a per
sonal character can go. The purpose of
the World and tho men who follow its lead
ership Is not to build up the democratic
party nor to advance the public interests;
it is rather to see to it that as a result of
the election of 1908 tho democratic party
shall not become tho medium through
which a long suffering people shall find
relief."
When It was Intimated that the New York
World was moro concerned in the special In
terests than In the democratic party the World
demanded to know what special interests tho
World spoke for. And then- when Mr. Bryan
replied that tho public would be in better posi
tion to say where the heart of the New York
World is if its owner would explain to the public
the location of the World's treasure the World
says that it "CAN NOT STOP TO BANDY
PERSONALITIES" with Mr. Bryan!
This is not a question of personalities. Tho
World assumes to give advice to the democratic
party and to tho American people as to the
character of tho policies they shall adopt and
the sort of men tho'y shall select for the admin
istration of public affairs. Tho people to whom
tho World tenders advice have the right to bo
informed concerning tho motives- of Mr. Pulit
zer's great newspaper. It has long been a mys
tery to many people who have admired the ex
cellent work which tho New York World has
done against certain cliques bent upon the ex
ploitation of local government in New York
City and state why the World has been so
sensitive whenever effective railroad regulation
was proposed and so strangely indifferent to
great public evils involving certain other great
concerns.
In the absence of personal ill-will toward
Mr. Bryan on the part of the World as claimed
by the World and admitted by Mr. Bryan how
may we account for the World's persistent mis
representation of Mr. Bryan and its vindictive
assaults upon him? Grant all that tho World
claims for itself In the way of devotion to tho
public interests and it must be admitted that
the same high purpose that prompted it to rush
to the defense of the public would restrain it
from indulging in deliberate misrepresentation
of an individual.
The mystery may be solved when the World
shows the extent of ita owner's financial Interest
in the great concerns from whose impositions
the American people are seeking relief.
If the owner of the World expects the
American people to accept the advice which his
paper is now giving in such abundance, if he
expects the people to regard the World's present
day activity in democratic circles as being due
to its owner's extraordinary stock of patriotism,
let Mr. Pulitzer show the people that so far
as concerns investments in corporations that are
to be regulated Mr. Pulitzer the man who fixes
the World's policy is free from that pecuniary
interest whjch, in common knowledge of human
conduct, might reasonably be presumed to have
a controlling effect upon his attitude.
"Publicity! Publicity! Publicity!" That
has for years been the Pulitzer cry. Let tho
light be turned upon the Pulitzer Investments.
oooo
THIS IS TOO MUCH, TOO MUCH!
In the discharge of its obligations to tho
special Interests in which its proprietor has his
money invested the New York World has com
piled a number of its anti-Bryan editorials into
a pamphlet. To thi3 paoir?friet tfce World gives
the pleasing title, "Twelve Years of Demagogy
and Defeat." The following paragraph Is taken
from one of the pamphlet's articles addressed
to Mr. Bryan:
"In 1904, with Judge Parker as tho can-
dldate, but with you still the actual leader of
tho party, every populist state, every doubtful
stato and several democratic Mtates were carried
by Mr. RoobovoIL"
When tho World seeks to hold Mr.
Bryan's leadership responsible for the result
in 1904 when Mr. Pulitzer of tho New York
World mapped out tho party's policy one Is
reminded of tho story of the Iowa bank cashier.
The bank had boon wrecked by thin official
and not a penny remained in the vault or to
the institution's credit anywhere. Tho directors
hold a meeting which was addressed by tho
cashier who said: "Gentlemen, 1 regret this
situation and to show you how badly I fool I
would, if it would do any good, be willing that
my body be cut into llttlo pieces and. distributed
among you."
Ono director, very hard of hearing, leaned
toward his seat neighbor and asked: "What
did he say?"
The neighbor repeated tho cashier's re
mark. The deaf director settling, himself In his
chair, heaved a sigh, and said: "Well, If that
plan bo adopted then I speak for the gall."
OOOO
THAT "MAP OF HIIVANISM"
While Mr. Bryan was In New York tho
Now York World sent a representative to him
to show him the World's "map of Bryanlsm,"
which is arranged for tho purpose of making
It appear that what tho World calls "Bryanlsm"
has brought disaster to tho democratic party.
As a result of this interview with Mr. Bryan
tho World prints the following dialogue between
Mr. Bryan and the reporter:
"Have you seen the World's 'map of
Bryanlsm?' "
"I have seen It," replied Mr. Bryan, "but
have not had time to examine it. The map,
howevor, is absolutely worthless and gives con
clusive proof of the deliberate, Intentional and
malicious dishonesty of the man who prepared
it and the paper that published it. It begins
with 1892 and omits the congressional election
of 1894. In that election of 1894, which was
held while Mr. Cleveland was president and whllo
the World had some influence as an adviser in
the party, the republican majority on tho con
gressional candidates was larger than it was in
either 1896 or 1900, and the republican ma
jority In congress was larger as a result of that
election than it was as a result of 189G and
1900. Now an honest man would not overlook
that election In preparing a map. Tho fact
that It Is overlooked Is conclusive proof that
the map. was prepared for tho purpose of deceiv
ing the readers of the World. Tho World will
not accuse me of being tho leader of tho demo
cratic party at that time, and yet tho party
suffered a more disastrous defeat than It suf
fered In either of the campaigns In which I was
a candidate.
"I noticed in this morning's World that it
accounts for defeat in 1904 by saying: In 1904,
with Judge Parker a3 a candidate, but with you
meaning Mr. Bryan still actual leader of the
party every populist state, every doubtful state,
and several democratic states were carried by
Mr. Roosevelt.'
"Now, Is It fair to charge up the defeat of
1904 to my .leadership when the party allowed
the World to select the candidate that year, and
give him its boisterous advice each day during
the campaign? And If I was the leader In 1904,
in spite of the fact that the World selected
the candidate, how can the World prevent my
being the leader this year, even if it Is allowed
to select the candidate again? How can I get
out of the responsibility of leadership If I could
not escape after I was boldly repudiated, accord
ing to the World, in 1904? If tho World wants
to be fair, why doesn't It publish a map of tho
country showing the party vote in 1894 and
another map showing the vote in 1904, and thus
inform the public that the party fared better in
189G and in 1900 than in either tho congres
sional campaign before I ran or the national
campaign after I ran?
"There is an honest way of fighting political
battles, but the World prefers the dishonest way.
If it wants to find a reason for the defeat of
Judge Parker, why doesn't it say that the World
contributed to his defeat and received money
from tho republican campaign committee for
doing so? At least, I assume that the advertis
ing space that tho World sold to the national
committee the Sunday before the elections was
paid for and was not gratuitously given by the
World to the republican party as the World's
contribution."
"Don't you believe that many of your fol
lowers failed to vote for Judge Parker because
'J
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