JANUARY 31, 1908
The Commoner.
9
Insurance work by the best lieutenant the sys
tem has ever had, Honest Hughes, 'and the turn
ing back for all time Into the system's maw of
the great insurance companies. What did tho
people do then? They hurrahed for Hughes
and grinned. Then came tho work of Roose
velt until, from end to end of the world all
could see the coming doom of the system. What
did the people do then? They shouted: 'Lay
on, Roosevelt, but do hurry it up so that we
may take possession of all the coming benefits
and not suffer a pain or an ache or a dollar's
loss in the getting of them,' and grinned. Then
came the climax the panic, when victory, full,
complete, was in our grasp. And what hap
pened? You know, but I will recall it." lie
speaks of his determination, announced to
Ridgeway, to speak against the system from tho
steps of tho National City bank during the re
cent panic, and says: "Right here I met tho
first real sot-back since the beginning of our
light. You showed- mo that my move was too
dangerous to receive your approval, that it not
only meant ruin to your magazine, but that it
also meant, in your opinion, ruin to the country
and a great calamity to the American people.
I argued with you, showing that if I could not
strike at the one time when the destruction of
the system might bo accomplished, then my
work had been for naught. (I must, in fair
ness to you, admit that I agreed with you that
from your standpoint it would be wrong to aid
me in doing what I proposed.) In the midst of
our argument conditions culminated in the com
plete surrender, the black-jacking in the house
of his friends, of President Roosevelt; the sys
tem was in the saddle and the opportunity I had
waited and worked and suffered for had gone.
And the people? What did the people do?
They turned upon Roosevelt quicker than a cur
dog at tho first sign of danger turns upon his
master, until he, surrounded and realizing the
desertion of the people, was obliged to do that
which has assured to the system a representa
tion and a democratic presidential nominee who
will be satisfactory to them. And tho people?
They gleefully hurled their bonnets in tho air
and rent the blue with their praise of the peo
ple's saviours Morgan, Ryan and Rockefeller
and grinned. Then it was I decided that my
duty to my family and my duty to myself, called
me to halt all my effort, good, bad or indifferent."
THE WASHINGTON correspondent for the
Omaha World-Herald sent, under date of
January 24, this interesting dispatch: "Taking
as his text a statement by ex-Congressman
Grosvenor of Ohio, that 'Bryanism has been tho
bane of the democratic party in the east and
the great middle-west all these years,' Congress
man Hitchcock of Omaha this afternoon stirred
the house by a speech of a half hour in which
he answered General Grosvenor. He referred
to the ancient Ohio statistician as 'this prophet
out of a job,' and proceeded by an analysis of
election returns from 189 G down to date to
show that Bryanism far from being the bane
has been the strength of the democratic party.
Mr. Hitchcock was repeatedly interrupted, now
by democratic applause, and again by republican
questions. Representative Kiefer of Ohio was
especially insistent on getting in some remarks
and Mr. Bonynge of Colorado was only less
ardent in his desire to correct tho Nebraskan
from time to time. Messrs. James of Kentucky,
Gaines of Tennessee and other democrats also
interrupted by way of approval and fortifica
tion of Hitchcock's statements. When he was
done the speaker was congratulated by a long
list of democrats, and even repi blicans. There
were no dull moments while his address was in
progress. The name of Bryan was cheered, as
were the repeated points which were made to
prove that Bryan is, in fact, the very leader
whose strength can give most confidence to his
party. General Grosvenor, with his fancy for
figures, had declared that Bryan could count
only 166 electoral votes. Mr. Hitchcock pointed
out that, in making this calculation, he has
classed as surely republican these states which
are decidedly debatable: Colorado, Idaho,
Montana, Illinois, Indiana, Nebraska, Nevada,
Now York and Ohio. In all these, he said with
their total of sixteen electoral votes, Bryan
polled more votes twice in 1896 and 1900
than any democrat either before or since. In
New York in 1900 he polled more votes than
New York's favorite son, Judge Parker, a strong
man, an eminent lawyer and a most distinguish
ed citizen, did four years later. The republi
can majority against Bryan was less than against
Parker in Parker's own state. In Indiana he
polled more votes than any democratic candi
date ever polled, before or since, for any offlco.
Moro than this, when ho ran tho second time,
although running against a man who was presi
dent and who had just emerged with tho glory
of having conducted a successful and victorious
foreign war, Mr. Bryan polled just about the
same strength as the first time he ran."
ISAAC J. WEIL of Now York has something
to say of Mr. Pulitzer's more or less famous
"Bryan map." Writing to the Now York World
Mr. Weil says: "Permit mo to express my ap
preciation of the series of map cartoons show
ing the United States divided Into political
camps by the colors black, white and gray, said
to be the result of Mr. William Jennings Hryan's
influence In tho political arena. They arc ex
ceedingly instructive as well as humorous. There
is a smile for every republi an who is glad Mr.
Roosevelt is president because of Mr. Bryan's
influence. There Is a smile for every dissatisfied
republican and every democrat who is pleased
that a republican president is now in ofilco (lur
ing this period of depression (perhaps also tho
result of Mr. Bryan's power for evil). There is
a ripple of joy in every cartoon for every mem
ber of tho socialist party who believes that
both Mr. Roosevelt and Mr. Bryan are respon
sible for existing evils in our economic condi
tions. It seems there must also bo a smile for
the artist and also for the editorial writer, for
in all probability tho latter remembers the elec
tions of 1894 and 1895. Why should the con
gressional elections of tho former and the state
elections of the latter year not also be credited
to Mr. Bryan's account? For was Mr. Bryan
not a member of congress from March 4, 1891,
until March 4, 1895? Should his influence on
political life not bo extended back to his first
entrance into tho political arena? Whatever
the idea, motive or reason for tho arrangement
of colors, the result is certainly good, for the
black stands out boldly and creates a positive
impression on tho mind and reminds one of tho
necessity of more white on tho map, a work
which many of Mr. Bryan's admirers intend to
assist him in during tho coming presidential
election. The one chief idea that is forced upon
the reader apart from the humor is that a man
who has been only a private citizen since his
retirement from congress should be sufllciently
forceful to divide the nation as the World
portrays."
MANY REPUBLICANS are protesting against
the plan of the Roosevelt administration
for choosing the republican nominee. In its
issue of January 20 the Kansas City Journal
(rep.) says: "Never has the power of the na
tional administration been exerted with more
desperate vigor in party politics than now. All
over the country this influence is shown in zeal
ous efforts to force political sentiment for one
man or another regardless of individual opinions.
In Ohio, of course, the 'big stick is represented
in the campaign of Taft, and this same method
of campaigning has been resorted to by the Taft
managers in Missouri. Tho theory that the vot
ers of a political party have any right to bo
heard in its councils has given way to a system
of threats and penalties against the man who
may have an opinion of his own, if it be con
trary to the dictum of those who have already
made up the slate and seek to deliver the party
bound and gagged to their candidate. That
there is a great deal of Taft sentiment in Mis-
FIFTY FROM WELLINGTON, KANSAS
George T. Pitts, Wellington, Kan.,
writes: "I send you fifty subscriptions
on sheet enclosed, with my check for $30
in payment. Please acknowledge receipt,
and be sure to get mailing address correct,
and papers started this week if possible.
I secured this list in three hours this Sat
turday afternoon on our streets from the
usual Saturday crowd. If you will send
me a good sized bundle of sample copies
of The Commoner, I will use them, I be
lieve, to advantage. It won't matter
whether the samples are all of the latest
issue or not. I would like to be equipped
with a good supply for next Saturday,
January 18."
sourl everybody knows, but that there aro many
thousands of tho rank and fllo who prefer other
candidates can not bo doubted. If Taft is aa
strong aa hits over-zealous organs and managers
say ho is, what Ik the use of Instructions? Ho
will get tho votes anyway. Yet hero wo havo
the spectacle of a slate chairman, intrusted with
tho responsibility of carrying out tho wishes of
his party, dictating to his party what It shall do.
And when any republican lifts up his head and
claims his right to be hoard ho is branded as a
'traitor.' Mr. Dickey complains that becaino
some republicans are unwilling to be bartered
like sheep they 'provoke him by 'firing in the
rear of our campaign. ' Whose campaign Is thh?
Does It belong to any one man or set of men?
Aro not tho republican voters of Missouri to be
heard and consulted? Under tho present ss
loin of campaigning they aro to bo shut out and
told that they are not wanted until election day,
when they are supposed to go to the polls and
help elect a man previously chosen by factional
leaders."
o
A SOMEWHAT similar protest Is registered
by the St. Louis Globe-Democrat (rep.)
In its Issue of .January 11. Tho Globe-Demoerat
says: "We aro certainly against any Instruc
tions by any faction that claims to speak for tho
whole party. Nor do wo regard as competent
Instructions such action as was recently taken
by the state committee. The committee's in
dorsement of one candidate, ignoring tho others,
was its own expression, and not in tho naturo
of an obligation to be carried out by the party
in the state. If the sentiment of the republi
cans of Missouri is all for one candidate, thcro
can bo no question as to how Missouri's dele
gates will vote. We deny that there is such
unanimity, or that tho sentiment has been defi
nitely ascertained. No actual tests have been
applied. The claims of those who have a favor
ite are gratuitous. They want the previous
question called without debate, and settled be
fore a single delegate has been elected. If is
true that a delegate acts In a representative ca
pacity. That Is to say, he Is expected to rep
resent the majority of tho party in his district,
and as nearly all of It as possible. If he rep
resents only a coterie of politicians or boomers,
he does not represent the party. The eagerness
of the boomers to instruct him In their own be
half is easily understood. He is tied up
not to represent tho party but some
group of politicians that seek to substi
tute themselves for tho party. If the republican
voice of Missouri is all one way, tho fact will
decisively appear when tho delegates aro cho
sen. Not one has yet been electod In Missouri
or any other state, and yet the boomers say
a certain candidate 'will havo 000 In tho con
vention on tho first ballot.' Their plan is to
claim everything In advance with the utmost
confidence. The Idea Is far from new. It Is In
the nature of a bluff, and evidently rests on
nothing substantial as far as facts are developed."
SOMETHING about the birth of Tammany
Hall is told by Frederick Upham Adams.
Writing In Success Magazine Mr. Adams says:
"William Maclay and Robert Morris were the
first senators from Pennsylvania, and both at
tended tho initial session of congress in New
York City. Senator Maclay kept a journal of Its
proceedings, and his comments and deductions
are the delight of close students of history.
Under date of May 12, 1790, we find this entry:
'This day exhibited a grotesque scene in the
streets of New York. Being the old first of
May, the Sons of St. Tammany had a grand
parade through the town in Indian dress. I
delivered a talk at one of their meeting houses
and went away to dinner. There seems to bo
some sort of a scheme laid off erecting some
sort of order or society under this denomination,
but it does not seem well digested as yet. The
expense of the dresses must have been consid
erable, and the money laid out on clothing
might have dressed some of their ragged beg
gars. But the weather Is now warm.' This rug
ged and fearless old hater of royalty and aristoc
racy had participated In the celebration of the
first anniversary of the founding of the Society
of Tammany, and we know little more today
of that embryonic organization than he did then,
but we need not seek far for the causes which
which inspired its forming. Tammany was tho
political successor of the 'Sons of Liberty,' called
in some sections of the country 'The Liberty
Boys.' "
