The commoner. (Lincoln, Neb.) 1901-1923, December 27, 1907, Page 5, Image 5

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PECEMBER, 27, 1907
The Commoner.
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recover the purchase price of commodities thus
unlawfully sold.
It is Impossible within the limits of this
correspondence to discuss- the merits or demer
its of this measure. Senator Davis made no pro
tense to its being a specimen of perfect anti
trust legislation, and it is but one of several
measures for the regulation or extinction of
trusts and monopolies that have already been
Introduced into this congress. It is doubtful
if the majority party will pay much attention
to the drastic proposals of Senator Davis. Cer
tainly if they give them no better consideration
than they did his speech, this bill will sleep
that sleep in the committee room that knows
no awakening. At first the republican senators
were inclined to laugh and sneer at what Sen
ator Davis said. Messrs. Lodge, Kean and other
republican senator's were chiefly conspicuous by
the levity with which they received the remarks
of the gentleman from Arkansas. Even when
Senator Davis was offering serious arguments,
these senators wore that sneering smile that
would not come off. And long before the con
clusion of his argument the republican side of
the chamber was practically empty a mere
handful of republican senators remaining to hear
Mr. Davis, much in the same manner that they
snubbed Senator LaFollette when he raised his
voice over a year ago to protest against the rail
roads overworking their employes and thereby
endangering the public.
Perhaps his address would have been more
effective if Senator Davis had confined himself
more closely to his resolution, and not tried to
discuss everything from the stock exchange to
the size of the president's family and salary. But
when Senator Davis declared that if the gov
ernment did not prescribe the terms upon which
the trusts could exist, that the trusts would pre
scribe the terms upon which government might
exist, he was standing on solid ground. When
he asked any republican senator to name one
trust that seven years of Roosevelt had even
tamed, when he asked if the cost of living had
been reduced under the Sherman law, and
whether the trusts had not prospered under it,
he made inquiries that carried their own self
evident answers. "When he called upon the
senate to treat trust robbers as the law treats
horse thieves, he merely voiced the present de
mand, of the American people. Republican sen
ators may smile and sneer, but they can not
escape the responsibility which Senator Davis
showed was upon them when in a sentence he
said, pointing dramatically to the republican
side: "Will you destroy the trusts, or will you
let them destroy the republic?"
The Indications are that Senator Foraker
will control the delegation from Ohio. In Ohio
there are eighty-five counties. The Taft forces
tried to get from these counties expressions of
opinion in favor of Taft. Out of the eighty
five they succeeded in getting only twenty. The
other sixty-five either refused to make any
expression whatsoever or voted against Mr. Taft.
People in Washington are saying that for Taft
there is nothing In Ohio which is encouraging,
nothing which makes any man believe that he
is strong politically. Unquestionably he is pop
ular among the people of the United States.
Undoubtedly he has much standing among the
people outside of his own state, but it does not
appear that in Ohio he has any great strength,
and It is from his own state that he must show
power. Unless he can get his delegation from
Ohio he can not by any possibility hold his place
as a probable nominee. Unless he can control
'Ohio he will be out of the running.
It is a matter of history that Secretary
Blaine retired from the Harrison cabinet when
his candidacy embarrassed his chief. It Is not
improbable that the history of that time may be
repeated. It the president is dominant enough
to force the retirement of either of his rival sec
retaries Taft and Cortelyou and the one so
forced out Is suppliant enough to accept -the
dictum, there may be no cabinet changes. But
a rather distinguished republican, a member of
the senate, though of but recent election, Is quot
ed today as saying that the situation is so shap
ing itself that either Mr. Cortelyou or Mr. Taft,
or both will have to retire. Mr. Roosevelt has
his own plans for the selection of his successor.
He is not a man who brooks much interference,
nor is he a man who tells long in advance ex
actly what his plans are nor having told always
sticks to his statement. Six months ago he
was unquestionably in fayor of Taft, and the
Cortelyou boom has been an affront to him. To
day the following of the secretary of war has
shrunk to a corporal's guard, and it is quiteprob
able that the presidential favor may be trans
ferred, but If It la It will never bo transferred
to the rival candidate in his own -cabinet who
helped to cause the shrinkage.
President Roosevelt in his messago sug
gested a plan by which the matter of either cor
poration or individual subscriptions to campaign
funds might be done away with and that such
subscriptions are an evil no one can doubt. Ho
suggested that the campaign funds should bo
supplied from the national treasury. Ho urges
that that would do away with just exactly bucIi
scandals as his appeal to Mr. Harriman caused.
It sounds radical at first, but It is not much
more so than the English corrupt practices act.
He urges that the congressional appropriation
for this purpose should bo limited in amount
and given absolute publicity. The people who
originated the proposition mado it moro specific.
They urged that each political party should re
ceive by congressional appropriation ten cents
for each vote cast for the candidate of such party
at the preceding presidential election, such sums
to bo paid to the bonded treasurers of tho na
tional committees.
Looking over the figures of the last presi
dential election one finds that tho sums so paid
out would bo in round numbers as follows:
Republican $702,318
Democratic 507,797
Socialist 40,229
Prohibitionist.. 25,853
Populist 11,718
Total $1,347,9-15
The total Ipoks like a considerable sum to
be taken from tho treasury of the United States,
and thereby from tho pockets of tho taxpayers.
But it is trivial in comparison to what the pro
tected industries and tho monopolies have long
, contributed to the party which stands for their
Interests, and every dollar of which comes back
to them from the peoples' pockets.
To make tho suggestion effective all cor
poration contributions and individual contribu
tions larger in amount than perhaps five dollars
should be prohibited .under penalty of the crim
inal law. Revolutionary as the suggestion seems
at first, it is well worth public discussion and
consideration.
WILLIS J. ABBOT.
ILLINOIS CENTRAL QUARREL
The annual meeting of the Illinois Central
railroad directors was an interesting affair. Fol
lowing are extracts from the Associated Press
Chicago dispatch describing the session:
A warm verbal encounter took place at the
annual meeting today of the Illinois Central
railroad between President Harahan and Stuyve
sant Fish. In the end the latter secured his
object and tho meeting was adjourned in the
manner in which Mr. Fish desired, and in ac
cordance with the order of Judge Hall, to March
2, 1908.
As soon as the meeting was called to order
Mr. Fish introduced his resolution, and Mr.
Cromwell, who sat close beside the presiding
officer, President Harahan, offered an amend
ment leaving out the words to which he had
objected.
Mr. Fish declared that he desired to he
shown what right Mr. Cromwell possessed to take
part in the meeting, saying that he know that
he was not a stockholder. Mr. Cromwell de
clared that he was there by virtue of proxies
which he possessed. Mr. Fish demanded that the
proxies of Mr. Cromwell be produced, and a
call was made upon the committee with whom
the proxies had been placed to bring them in.
While the committee " was searching for tho
Cromwell proxies Mr. Fish said to President
Harahan:
"Mr. Chairman, the question before the
meeting Is on my motion to adjourn."
President Harahan replied: "There is an
amendment before us and you have objected to
the party making It, stating that he is not a
stockholder. We are trying to discover whether
he is." " , ... i
"He did not propose an amendment, said
Mr. Fish. "I will correct you as to the matter
of fact."
Mr. Cromwell Interjected: "I do propose
an amendment."
"Well, you did not," said Mr. Fish, with
some feeling, and he demanded of Mr. Harahan
if he intended to put his motion to adjourn.
"Not until it is decided whether the gentle
man has the right to 'offer an amendment here,"
he said. -
"He has not offered an amendment, de
clared Mr. Fish. '
"Well, you stopped him," replied President
narahan tartly.
. ,1 ,?.,d nolh,nff of th kind," rojolnod Mr.
I'iBh, with oqual emphasis. "I said that bo had
no right to spoak In this meeting."
"Wo will docldo whothor ho has or not,"
said Proaldont Harahan. "Tho proxy commlttao
is investigating the fact."
"Ik ho a stockholder?" domanded Mr. Fish.
"You my ho is not," was tho response, "h
understand that he Is. Tho only reason "
"You understand that ho Is a stockholdor?"
quoriod Mr. Fish with much onrntmtrioss.
"Ye."
"Whon I toll you that ho Is not?"
"Well, I don't havo to take your word for
everything."
"You had better," declared Mr. Fluh, In a
tone and manner which Indicated that tho end of
patlonco was approaching.
"I take the record," said President Harahan.
"Now I want to conduct this mooting In a proper
mannor, Mr. Fish. 1 am going to treat you
properly, and I insist on your doing tho game
to me."
"Yes. Then you had better keep a civil'
tongtip In your head," retorted Mr. Fish.
"My tongue Is civil. Mr. Cromwell says
ho has a proxy here, and "
Judge Farrar and Mr. Domelstor, counsel
for Mr. Fish, stopped In front of him as ho was
about to reply to President Harahan, but ho
again demanded that his motion to adjourn bo
put.
"I will not put your motion," rojolnod tho
chairman, "until it is docidod whether this gen
tleman has the right to offer an amendment to,
this resolution."
Mr. Lehman, another of Mr. Fish's attor
neys, ralsod a point of order, and was informed
by President Harahan that Mr. Cromwell had
as much right in tho meeting as that possessed
by Mr. Lehman.
"What's that?" demanded Mr. Lehman, ris
ing to his feet, "I am a stockholder In this com
pany, and as such have attended annual meetings
for tho last sixteen mooting, and you know It."
President Harahan was silent. '
ARBITRATION
Judge Gould of tho District of Columbia
has granted an order restraining JIic American
Federation of Labor from boycotting tho Buck
Stovo company of St. LouJx. Jamos E. Bock,
attorney for the stovo company, says that Judge
Gould's decision Is of the highest Importance,
because It "deprives organized labor of its cliief
weapon of offense and defense." Referring to
this order the Omaha World-Herald well Says:
"It Is noticeable, too, in this connection, that
some employers who cry out loudest ajjalnst
the boycott of their goods by employes banded,
together as consumers, insist most strenuously
on their right to agree to employ whom they
will, and to refuse to employ union men if they
choose. If the open boycott Is to go, the secret
black list should go with it. Society, as a whole,
would, no doubt, be better off without them.
And the way to get rid of them is to removo
the necessity. Tho way to remove tho necessity,
Is to substitute Industrial arbitration for Indus-,
trial war. Until this is done, it Is futile to ex
pect that, when war is on, the parties thereto -will
not resort to war measures. The result of
war measures Is that not only do the combatants
suffer, but the non-combatant public suffers al
so, and in the aggregate most severely. Society
as a whole has rights, and these rights are para
mount. To preserve these rights, if for no other
reason, some system of arbitration is Impera
tive oooo
THE WAjCH TRUST
Mr. Charles A. Keene, of 180 Broadway,
New York, can give the readers of The Com
moner any information they desire In regard
'to the methods of the watch trust. He Is presl-.
dent of an Independent watch dealers' associa
tion and has been blacklisted by the trust, which
refuses to sell him watches either in this country
or In Europe. He buys up American watches in
Europe and sends them back and sells them In
this country. The watch trust sells at a higher
price in this country than It does abroad, and
he is able to buy American watches abroad. Im
port them and yet sell them for less than they
can be bought direct from the watch trust. This
is one of the trusts which the administration has
not yet attacked. In fact, there are a number
of trusts which are still allowed to dp business
at the old stand, and gthere Is no prospect that
the republican leaders will take any effective
measures for their extermination.
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