The commoner. (Lincoln, Neb.) 1901-1923, December 27, 1907, Page 5, Image 5
VJ " i" Vi.iT" "iri'?irimMiin,,i PECEMBER, 27, 1907 The Commoner. ifauiiiiiiiiiiinn1iiiitf5niiiiiii.i...iii.,i..nJ.iii i .. I., .. . i-if-ni , timnijTin ..,.. if SVMfl . & IK r M -- recover the purchase price of commodities thus unlawfully sold. It is Impossible within the limits of this correspondence to discuss- the merits or demer its of this measure. Senator Davis made no pro tense to its being a specimen of perfect anti trust legislation, and it is but one of several measures for the regulation or extinction of trusts and monopolies that have already been Introduced into this congress. It is doubtful if the majority party will pay much attention to the drastic proposals of Senator Davis. Cer tainly if they give them no better consideration than they did his speech, this bill will sleep that sleep in the committee room that knows no awakening. At first the republican senators were inclined to laugh and sneer at what Sen ator Davis said. Messrs. Lodge, Kean and other republican senator's were chiefly conspicuous by the levity with which they received the remarks of the gentleman from Arkansas. Even when Senator Davis was offering serious arguments, these senators wore that sneering smile that would not come off. And long before the con clusion of his argument the republican side of the chamber was practically empty a mere handful of republican senators remaining to hear Mr. Davis, much in the same manner that they snubbed Senator LaFollette when he raised his voice over a year ago to protest against the rail roads overworking their employes and thereby endangering the public. Perhaps his address would have been more effective if Senator Davis had confined himself more closely to his resolution, and not tried to discuss everything from the stock exchange to the size of the president's family and salary. But when Senator Davis declared that if the gov ernment did not prescribe the terms upon which the trusts could exist, that the trusts would pre scribe the terms upon which government might exist, he was standing on solid ground. When he asked any republican senator to name one trust that seven years of Roosevelt had even tamed, when he asked if the cost of living had been reduced under the Sherman law, and whether the trusts had not prospered under it, he made inquiries that carried their own self evident answers. "When he called upon the senate to treat trust robbers as the law treats horse thieves, he merely voiced the present de mand, of the American people. Republican sen ators may smile and sneer, but they can not escape the responsibility which Senator Davis showed was upon them when in a sentence he said, pointing dramatically to the republican side: "Will you destroy the trusts, or will you let them destroy the republic?" The Indications are that Senator Foraker will control the delegation from Ohio. In Ohio there are eighty-five counties. The Taft forces tried to get from these counties expressions of opinion in favor of Taft. Out of the eighty five they succeeded in getting only twenty. The other sixty-five either refused to make any expression whatsoever or voted against Mr. Taft. People in Washington are saying that for Taft there is nothing In Ohio which is encouraging, nothing which makes any man believe that he is strong politically. Unquestionably he is pop ular among the people of the United States. Undoubtedly he has much standing among the people outside of his own state, but it does not appear that in Ohio he has any great strength, and It is from his own state that he must show power. Unless he can get his delegation from Ohio he can not by any possibility hold his place as a probable nominee. Unless he can control 'Ohio he will be out of the running. It is a matter of history that Secretary Blaine retired from the Harrison cabinet when his candidacy embarrassed his chief. It Is not improbable that the history of that time may be repeated. It the president is dominant enough to force the retirement of either of his rival sec retaries Taft and Cortelyou and the one so forced out Is suppliant enough to accept -the dictum, there may be no cabinet changes. But a rather distinguished republican, a member of the senate, though of but recent election, Is quot ed today as saying that the situation is so shap ing itself that either Mr. Cortelyou or Mr. Taft, or both will have to retire. Mr. Roosevelt has his own plans for the selection of his successor. He is not a man who brooks much interference, nor is he a man who tells long in advance ex actly what his plans are nor having told always sticks to his statement. Six months ago he was unquestionably in fayor of Taft, and the Cortelyou boom has been an affront to him. To day the following of the secretary of war has shrunk to a corporal's guard, and it is quiteprob able that the presidential favor may be trans ferred, but If It la It will never bo transferred to the rival candidate in his own -cabinet who helped to cause the shrinkage. President Roosevelt in his messago sug gested a plan by which the matter of either cor poration or individual subscriptions to campaign funds might be done away with and that such subscriptions are an evil no one can doubt. Ho suggested that the campaign funds should bo supplied from the national treasury. Ho urges that that would do away with just exactly bucIi scandals as his appeal to Mr. Harriman caused. It sounds radical at first, but It is not much more so than the English corrupt practices act. He urges that the congressional appropriation for this purpose should bo limited in amount and given absolute publicity. The people who originated the proposition mado it moro specific. They urged that each political party should re ceive by congressional appropriation ten cents for each vote cast for the candidate of such party at the preceding presidential election, such sums to bo paid to the bonded treasurers of tho na tional committees. Looking over the figures of the last presi dential election one finds that tho sums so paid out would bo in round numbers as follows: Republican $702,318 Democratic 507,797 Socialist 40,229 Prohibitionist.. 25,853 Populist 11,718 Total $1,347,9-15 The total Ipoks like a considerable sum to be taken from tho treasury of the United States, and thereby from tho pockets of tho taxpayers. But it is trivial in comparison to what the pro tected industries and tho monopolies have long , contributed to the party which stands for their Interests, and every dollar of which comes back to them from the peoples' pockets. To make tho suggestion effective all cor poration contributions and individual contribu tions larger in amount than perhaps five dollars should be prohibited .under penalty of the crim inal law. Revolutionary as the suggestion seems at first, it is well worth public discussion and consideration. WILLIS J. ABBOT. ILLINOIS CENTRAL QUARREL The annual meeting of the Illinois Central railroad directors was an interesting affair. Fol lowing are extracts from the Associated Press Chicago dispatch describing the session: A warm verbal encounter took place at the annual meeting today of the Illinois Central railroad between President Harahan and Stuyve sant Fish. In the end the latter secured his object and tho meeting was adjourned in the manner in which Mr. Fish desired, and in ac cordance with the order of Judge Hall, to March 2, 1908. As soon as the meeting was called to order Mr. Fish introduced his resolution, and Mr. Cromwell, who sat close beside the presiding officer, President Harahan, offered an amend ment leaving out the words to which he had objected. Mr. Fish declared that he desired to he shown what right Mr. Cromwell possessed to take part in the meeting, saying that he know that he was not a stockholder. Mr. Cromwell de clared that he was there by virtue of proxies which he possessed. Mr. Fish demanded that the proxies of Mr. Cromwell be produced, and a call was made upon the committee with whom the proxies had been placed to bring them in. While the committee " was searching for tho Cromwell proxies Mr. Fish said to President Harahan: "Mr. Chairman, the question before the meeting Is on my motion to adjourn." President Harahan replied: "There is an amendment before us and you have objected to the party making It, stating that he is not a stockholder. We are trying to discover whether he is." " , ... i "He did not propose an amendment, said Mr. Fish. "I will correct you as to the matter of fact." Mr. Cromwell Interjected: "I do propose an amendment." "Well, you did not," said Mr. Fish, with some feeling, and he demanded of Mr. Harahan if he intended to put his motion to adjourn. "Not until it is decided whether the gentle man has the right to 'offer an amendment here," he said. - "He has not offered an amendment, de clared Mr. Fish. ' "Well, you stopped him," replied President narahan tartly. . ,1 ,?.,d nolh,nff of th kind," rojolnod Mr. I'iBh, with oqual emphasis. "I said that bo had no right to spoak In this meeting." "Wo will docldo whothor ho has or not," said Proaldont Harahan. "Tho proxy commlttao is investigating the fact." "Ik ho a stockholder?" domanded Mr. Fish. "You my ho is not," was tho response, "h understand that he Is. Tho only reason " "You understand that ho Is a stockholdor?" quoriod Mr. Fish with much onrntmtrioss. "Ye." "Whon I toll you that ho Is not?" "Well, I don't havo to take your word for everything." "You had better," declared Mr. Fluh, In a tone and manner which Indicated that tho end of patlonco was approaching. "I take the record," said President Harahan. "Now I want to conduct this mooting In a proper mannor, Mr. Fish. 1 am going to treat you properly, and I insist on your doing tho game to me." "Yes. Then you had better keep a civil' tongtip In your head," retorted Mr. Fish. "My tongue Is civil. Mr. Cromwell says ho has a proxy here, and " Judge Farrar and Mr. Domelstor, counsel for Mr. Fish, stopped In front of him as ho was about to reply to President Harahan, but ho again demanded that his motion to adjourn bo put. "I will not put your motion," rojolnod tho chairman, "until it is docidod whether this gen tleman has the right to offer an amendment to, this resolution." Mr. Lehman, another of Mr. Fish's attor neys, ralsod a point of order, and was informed by President Harahan that Mr. Cromwell had as much right in tho meeting as that possessed by Mr. Lehman. "What's that?" demanded Mr. Lehman, ris ing to his feet, "I am a stockholder In this com pany, and as such have attended annual meetings for tho last sixteen mooting, and you know It." President Harahan was silent. ' ARBITRATION Judge Gould of tho District of Columbia has granted an order restraining JIic American Federation of Labor from boycotting tho Buck Stovo company of St. LouJx. Jamos E. Bock, attorney for the stovo company, says that Judge Gould's decision Is of the highest Importance, because It "deprives organized labor of its cliief weapon of offense and defense." Referring to this order the Omaha World-Herald well Says: "It Is noticeable, too, in this connection, that some employers who cry out loudest ajjalnst the boycott of their goods by employes banded, together as consumers, insist most strenuously on their right to agree to employ whom they will, and to refuse to employ union men if they choose. If the open boycott Is to go, the secret black list should go with it. Society, as a whole, would, no doubt, be better off without them. And the way to get rid of them is to removo the necessity. Tho way to remove tho necessity, Is to substitute Industrial arbitration for Indus-, trial war. Until this is done, it Is futile to ex pect that, when war is on, the parties thereto -will not resort to war measures. The result of war measures Is that not only do the combatants suffer, but the non-combatant public suffers al so, and in the aggregate most severely. Society as a whole has rights, and these rights are para mount. To preserve these rights, if for no other reason, some system of arbitration is Impera tive oooo THE WAjCH TRUST Mr. Charles A. Keene, of 180 Broadway, New York, can give the readers of The Com moner any information they desire In regard 'to the methods of the watch trust. He Is presl-. dent of an Independent watch dealers' associa tion and has been blacklisted by the trust, which refuses to sell him watches either in this country or In Europe. He buys up American watches in Europe and sends them back and sells them In this country. The watch trust sells at a higher price in this country than It does abroad, and he is able to buy American watches abroad. Im port them and yet sell them for less than they can be bought direct from the watch trust. This is one of the trusts which the administration has not yet attacked. In fact, there are a number of trusts which are still allowed to dp business at the old stand, and gthere Is no prospect that the republican leaders will take any effective measures for their extermination. I A! 1 I ti , i 'j&m& jjjtei& $mt-r.j& w cw-y"-.'. iifimn.m-p ! maun' jn" jBta i&&&0t&fa,.