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About The commoner. (Lincoln, Neb.) 1901-1923 | View Entire Issue (Nov. 22, 1907)
WILLIAM J. BRYAN, EDITOR AND PROPRIETOR
VOL. 7, NO. 45
Lincoln, Nebraska, November 22, 1907
Whole Number 357
TARIFF FOR REVENUE
STOP THE GAMBLING
LET THE PEOPLE RULE
. 'GOVERNMENT BY INJUNCTION
DOORS THAT OPEN
GOVERNORS' CONFERENCE AT ATLANTA
THE STORY OF JOHN R. WALSH
COMMENT ON CURRENT TOPICS
WHETHER COMMON OR NOT
NEWS OF THE WEEK
SAM A 5 Otmr oollak1
GIVE US SOUND
ir you oon'f oer n
SQU 00 TO THBO.
V " (
r .- -
i ot rjpn r i i.cv
I thank Theo Lord, that through tho"
Rich .blessings have around .mo
., ,T ' spread; -i.- ---. ;-i
That -.though somo days seemed -dark
The sun some Gleams of splendor
I thank Thee, Lord, for strength, of
To toll for those within my caro;
For Thy great love that saved from
And blessings gave In richest share.
For all Thy blessings on life's way
I thank Thoo this Thanksgiving Day.
I thank Thee, Lord, as one by ono
The days sped to eternity,
Each evening's low descending sun
Loft loved ones hero to wolcomo m&
I thank Thee, Lord, when day's work
And footsteps turned to homo and
That childish welcomes at tho door
Made ev'ry passing moment blest.
For all these joys I gladly pay
My tributes this Thanksgiving Day.
I thank Thee, Lord, that each day'B
Was ushered In" with hope and cheer;
That each day's sun could shine upon
Life's path devoid of thorn or tear.
I thank Thee, Lord, for soft caress
Of childish Angers on my face;
For love that left, through storm and
Around my board no vacant pla:o.
For blessings spread about my way
I praise Theo this Thanksgiving Day. -
I thank Thee, Lord, for all tho friends
Whose cheery welcomes make lif
For love that all my way attends,
And makes my happiness complete.
I thank Thee, Lord, for hands stretched
To clasp my own in friendship warm;
For hope that puts to flight each doubt
And haven gives in ev'ry storm.
For all Thy goodness on life's way
I praise Thee this .Thanksgiving Day.
Will M, Maupin,
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Isn't it strange that the gentleman whoj in 96 was so "terribly frightened at the thoughT'bf
a "fifty cent dollar' is now begging so earnestly for a no-cent dollar?
TARIFF FOR REVENUE
It is now one hundred and fifteen years
since the tariff question became a subjeot of
debate, and there has scarcely been a year in
all that time when there was not moro or less
discussion of It. In 1791 Alexander Hamilton
submitted his report on manufactures; some
forty years later Henry Clay became tho leading
advocate of a tariff system avowedly protective;
thirty years afterward tho republican party com
mitted Itself to a protective tariff and has sinco
been a strenuous supporter of tho doctrine.
Nearly every prominent man In our political
history has been identified with ono side or tho
other of the controversy, and a few have been
on both sides. Webster, for instance, changed
his position out of deference to his manufactur
Different arguments have been presented
from time to time in support of a protective"
tariff, but nono of those which have been most
Influential can now bo urged in defense of a
tariff expressly designed for the purpose of
shielding American manufacturers from foreign
competition. As freedom of trade is the nat
ural condition, and restrictions upon exchange
an arbitrary Interference with the liberty of tho
Individual, tho advocate of a protective tariff
has upon him the burden of proof to show, first,
that it Is right In principle; second, that it is
wise in policy, either generally or under special
circumstances; and, third, that it Is necessary
to the extent that It Is asked.
As a matter of fact, the champion of pro
tection, at least the modern champion, has never
attempted to establish any one of tho three. Tho
principle involved, namely, tho right of the gov
ernment to tax one man for the benefit of an
other, is habitually Ignored. The doctrine that
the government can use the taxing power to
take money from one man and turn it over to
another man for a private purpose Is an inde
fensible one. Tho supreme court of the United
States (20 Wall. 657) has taken what must bo
accepted as an unassailable position when it says:
"To lay with one hand tho power of tho
government on tho property of tho citizen, and
with tho other to bestow it upon favored indi
viduals to aid private enterprises and to build
up private fortunes, is nono the less a robbery
because it is done under tho forms of law and
is called a taxation. This Is not legislation. It
Is a decree under legislative forms.
"If it bo said that a benefit results to the
local public of a town by establishing manufac
turers, tho same may bo said of any other busi
ness or pursuit which employs capital or labor.
The merchant, tho mechanic, tho innkeeper, the
banker, tho builder, the steamboat owner, aro
equally promoters of tho public good and
equally deserving the aid of the citizens by
forced contributions. No lino can be drawn in
favor of the manufacturer which would not open
tho coffers of the public treasury to the impor
tunities of two-thirds of tho business men of tho
city or town."
To avoid tho force of this objection, It has
been argued, first, that tho tariff is not a tax
upon the consumer; and, second, that it is laid
for a public purpose. Those who insist that it
is not a tax upon the consumer claim that the
foreigner pays the tax for the privilege of selling
his goods In this country or that while tho Im
mediate effect may be to raise the price of the
protected article, the ultimate effect Is to cheapen
production at home through the creation of
domestic competition. The theory that the for
eigner pays tho tax is so unsubstantial that ono
may well bo astonished at its longevity. If It
were true, a protective tariff would be impotent
to protect, provided It really cost more to man
ufacture a given article in this country than
abroad. If, for instance, the manufacturer of
woolen goods asks for a fifty per cent duty on
tho ground that It costs him a dollar and a half
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