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About The commoner. (Lincoln, Neb.) 1901-1923 | View Entire Issue (Oct. 25, 1907)
"WWteW7 t hi r - i y OCTOBER 25, 1907 The Commoner; fW p i abstract theories of governmental functions -when the question was whether important work should be done or neglected. Many facts sup ported this view. Some states even, as in the matter of interstate liquor shipments, insisted that their own laws were being nullified unless the federal government lent a helping hand in their enforcement. But the past months "have shown that, even as a practical question purely, there are two sides to this Issue of state func tions. The states differ in their ideas to a greater extent, we Imagine, than moBt of us supposed. With the "Jim Crow car" movement o have little enough sympathy, yet it must be reckoned with aa a powerful force against a' thoroughly centralized railway policy, still more against government ownership. Nor is it necessary to take extreme cases like Delaware's whipping post, South Dakota's divorce courts, and New Jersey's corporation offices for evidence of the fact that the states do have minds of their own, even though, like the minds' of individuals, not always entitled to admiration. There is hardly a department of public activity in which there is not some movement to secure uniformity of legislation. Influential men .attend conventions devoted to these objects. A complete outfit of "model laws" is at the disposal of every state legisla ture free of charge. Justice, neighborllness, convenience and efficiency are all to be promoted by uniform laws. They do make considerable progress In certain departments, yet at some point they come to grief on local crotchets or convictions. The passage of an imaginary line can change the status of a man or thing in ways that are magical. Yet not all of the local differ ences that excite so much mirth in their critics are mere products of chance or Indifference. Like so many human beings, the states go on liking their own ways best. Already Bomo federal policies impinge on -local prejudices. Though the powers exercised under the "interstate commerce clause may carry their own mitigation, since a state may. indulge its own whims in respect to local traffic and products consumed at home, clashes between thp two are appearing. The disputes over the jurisdiction of inferior federal courts have at tracted most attention, but other questions point to the same condition. Most of the opposition to the government's4 regulations for the use of its grazing lands have doubtless boen mne by men with scant regard for the large public In terests. We reprinted the other day, however, an argument from a Montana newspaper making the point that Montana had worked out for "herself a system of cattle-control based on the registration of brands, and that the government seeks to wipe this out entirely. The system may not have been better, but the claim is made that it suited local conditions. As federal act ivity spreads still further it is bound to supplant in the same way other solutions of local problems. The states' rights sentiment of today has little in common with Its ante-bellum namesake. That it can take first, or even second place, as a campaign issue next year, is very much to be doubted. But the states are sensitive in a pecu liar way. Interference with their locals affairs is Irritating. And from the democratic point of view the issue has a peculiar piquancy from the fact that "most of the state officials who have' resented the friction are themselves republicans. oooo THE RALLYING KAILROADS The railroad presidents and. railroad mag nates, just as the World-Herald predicted, are falling over themselves to support President Roosevelt In his demand for complete and ex clusive federal control of the railroad business. In his historic St. Louis speech, in which the president made definite announcement of his doctrine, he said: "The railroads themselves have been exceedingly shortsighted In the rancorous bitterness which they have Bhown against the resumption by the nation of this long neglected power. The control must .exist somewhere; and unless It is by thor ough going and radical law placed upon -the statute books of the nation. It will be exercised In ever-increasing measure, by the several states." The warning and the Invitation were all sufficient. The railroads, without Tiesltation, have cast their lot With the president in favor of. control by the federal government alone, and against control In which both the federal gov ernment and the states shall share. They fear the states far more than the nation. The states respond 'quickly to popular sentiment; the na tional government responds slowly. The states, in two or three years, have dono much in tho way of railroad control; the national govern ment, in almost twenty years, has dono nothing that is of any real consequence. And so the railroads are falling into lino with the president. Says President Mather of the Rock Island: "A wise and just regulation is only possible under a singlo and centralized au thority. Tho day is passed for unyioldlng opposition to all policies of federal control of our carrier corporations. Nay, more, tho day has dawned in which to welcome that control." Says President Ripley of tho Santa Fe: "Wo have too many masters. Wouldn't it be better for us if we had a single1, central source of regulation instead of so many?" Says President Harahan of the Illinois Central: "Mr. Mather's statement, In my opin ion, pretty well expressed the feeling of railroad presidents .and managers. The trouble is and has been that the states have various laws which conflict with tho inter state laws." Says President McDoel of tho Motion: "The point Mr. Mather made as to fed- eral regulation and control struck mo as a sensible and sane one. F think that most railroad officials will approve it as I do. Tho troublo Is that when a road runs through ten or fifteen states it must oper ate under a variety of laws that make obedience well-nigh Impossible." And President Felton of tho Alton said he "thought well" of "fedoral control and regula tion as a substitute for 'the existing system of varied laws and regulation as Imposed by the various states." And there you have it "Exclusive fedoral control will bo bettor for us," say the railroads. They welcome the prospect. They want It so bad they will fight for It. Why? Simply be cause they know the states have on their fight ing clothes and mean business. The- people of the contral, southern and western states will revolt against this program. Their position is correctly stated in tho plat form adopted by the democrats of Nebraska, which favors giving tho federal government all the power that may be necessary for tho reg ulation of Interstate commerce without in any way interfering with or diminishing the power of the states over traffic within their own borders. Omaha World-Herald. OOOO MR. TAFT ON IMMIGRATION Two years ago about June, 1905, Secre tary Taft gave an interview relating to Chinese immigration. A Commoner reader asks that this interview be reproduced, together with the Commoner's comments on tho same. In the interview referred tq Mr, Taft said: "Is it just that for the purpose of ex cluding: or preventing perhaps 100 Chinese coolies from slipping- into this country against the law, we should subject an equal number of Chinese merchants and students of high character to an examination of such an inquisitorial, humiliating, Insulting -"and physically uncomfortable character as to discourage altogether the coming of mer chants and students? "One of the great commercial prizes of the world is the trade with the 400,000. 000 Chinese. Ought we to throw away the advantage which wo "have by reason of Chinese natural friendship for us, and con tinue to enforce an unjustly severe law, and thus create in the Chinese mind a disposi tion to boycott tho American trade and to , , drive our merchants from Chinese shores, simply because wo are afraid that we may for the time lose the approval of certain unreasonable and extreme popular leaders of California and other coast states? "Does the question not answer Itself? Is it not the duty of members of congress and of the executive to disregard tho un reasonable demands of a part of tho com munity deeply prejudiced upon Ibis sub ject In the far west, and Insist on extending justice and courtesy to a, people from whom we are deriving and are likely to derjye such Immense benefit in the way of interna tional trade?" It will be seen that "the $400,p00,000 com mercial prize" Is the thing that fills the secre tary's oyes, and anything la regarded as "unrea sonable Uiat stands in tho way. llo underesti mates tho number of Chinese who would come in as laborers and denounces as unreasonable tho demands made by tho laboring mon of tho country that thoy bo protectod from a hordo of Chinese coolies who aro not assimilated or brought to tho American lovel of living, but simply displaco American workmen. It is fort unato for tho country that thus early in his presidential campaign Secrotary Taft so clearly aligns himnolf with tho capitalistic side. For forty years the manufacturers havo taxed the whole country for tho ostonsiblo purpose of giv ing good wages to Inbor; but now when thoy begin to reach out for tho markots of tho world thoy aro willing to sacriflco the wago earner to commercial advantages. They Insist that tho goods mado by coolies shall bo shut out, but thoy aro willing that tho coolies thoniHelvcs shall co mo In. If tho Chtneso could como with a lovo for our institutions and for tho purpose of Identi fying thomsdlvcB with our futuro it would bo a different question, but thoy presorvo their Orientalism and form a permanently distinct class among us. Their presonco is ouro to brood race troubles that will bo more hurtful to trado than any exclusion act can bo. Many of tho republican loaders will bo In sympathy with tho policy that will flood tho country with cheap Chlneso labor, and an Im-r perial policy tends to givo encouragement to tho cheap labor proposition. Tho Chinese question is ono that affects tho entire country, not tho Pacific coast alone or tho laboring mon alono. It is truo that the Pacific coast would fool tho evil offccUi of Chi nese Immigration first, and It Is also truo that tho laboring mon would como into immediate contact with Orlontal labor, but in its ultimate influonco tho subject touches all parts of the country and reaches all classes. Tho questloa Is whothor wo aro going to build up a strong, in dependent, upright and patriotic peoplo and de velop a civilization that will exert a helpful In fluonco on all tho world, or whether wo aro go ing to bo a greedy, grasping nation, forgotful of high ideals and concerned only in tho making of money- Chinese Immigration Is defended by two classes of peoplo. First, by those, comparative-' ly fow in number, who bolicvo that universal brotherhood requires us to welcome to our shores all peoplo of all lands. This Is tho sen timental argument advanced in favor of Chi nese Immigration. Thore Is no more reason why wo should construe brotherhood to require tho admission of all peoplo to our country than there is that we should construe brotherhood to require tho dissolution of family ties. The fam ily is a unit; It is tho placo where character and virtue and usefulness are developed, and from the family a good or evil influence emanates, It is not necessary nor even wise that tho family environment should bo broken up or that all who desire entrance rho Id bo admitted to the family circlo. In a larger sense a nation is a family. It is the center for the cultivation ojC national character, national virtue and national , usefulness. A nation Is -under no obligation to tho outsldo world to admit anybody or anything that would injuriously affect the national family; in fact it is under obligation to itself not to do so. Tho influence of tho United Stte will bo much more potent for good If we remain a. homogeneous nation with all citizens in full sympathy with all other citizens. No distinct race like tho Chinese can come Into this country without exciting a friction and a race prejudice which will make Jt more difficult for vh to exer cise a wholesome Influence upon tho Chinese la China, not to speak of our influence on othor nations. The second, and by far tho larger class, em braces those who advocate Chlneso Immigration on tho ground that it will furnish cheap labor for household and factory work. There is no force In the argument that Is made by some that it Is difficult to secure girls to do housework. If domestic service is not popular as Compared with other work, it Is ecauso the pay is not sufficient to make It attractive and the remedy lies In better wages. Labor can bo secured for any and every honorable position when the price is sufficient to attract it, and the demand for Chlneso servants comes with poor grace from those who often spend on a single social enter tainment as much as a servant's wages would amount to in an entire year. At this time when skilled and intelligent American labo is able to compete in foreign markets with the cheapest labor In the world. It is absurd to talk about the necessity for cheap factory hands. i1 Tl 4 1 ; jie .a&i tuimpmitj-'''' J "ft" "J T.