The commoner. (Lincoln, Neb.) 1901-1923, August 30, 1907, Page 7, Image 7

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'AUGUST 3"0, 1807
The Commoner.
New York Newspaper Comment on
the Roosevelt and Taft Speeches
Evening Post: With the substance of the
president's speech at ProYincetown today we seo
no reason to quarrel. It is a stout affirmation
of ills well-known views in his well-known lan
guage. Those anxious and confiding republican
business men and editors who expected the pres
ident to utter a "reassuring" word did not know
their man. His way of calming a nervous pa
tient is to give another shock. To the time and
manner of this presidential deliverance, howevor,
we think there is grave objection. There was
really no occasion for him just now to say any
thing. A prudent consideration of the strain
under which the whole financial world is now
laboring would have kept him from saying any
thing, which might add to it and next to, silence
a quieter tone v'puld have been golden.'
Brooklyn Eagle: The speech at Province
town was awaited with Impatience, Wall Street
being especially curious, not to say solicltious.
It has been furnishing an object lesson. It has
been giving an illustration of the tremendous
difference between the effect of fulminations.
Mr. Bryan, for instance, may thunder at the
thugs of capital until he has exhausted himself
and those who listen to him, but then he does
not occupy the White House, so "predatory capi
tal" remains undisturbed. It is otherwise when
the fulmination comes from Theodore Roosevelt,
whPse denunciation signifies, and additional sig
nificance comes With the knowledge that ..the
presidential preacher practices. He' " translates
word into deed. Sb Wall Street will peruse
with corresponding cfare; it will inwardly digest,
and it will find scant consolation. ,
Globe: Mr,. Roosevelt's spedch to the pil
grims at Prpvincetown proves to 'be only a pieuce
from he whito'House fourth reader." All1, the
good boys among lis know most of" it by heart
and the rest will like it no better than usual.
Adverting presumably ,tb the conflict, between
V southern states arid the federal courts, the presi
dent observes that "national sovereignty" fs to
be upheld insofar' as it means the sovereignty
of the people used for the real and ultimate
good of the people, and states' rights are to be
uplield insofar as they mean the ''people's
rights," especially1 in dealing with "the tgreat
corporations." How simple' are" lie methods
of the' truly great. l M
Sun: There' is practically only o'ne son
tence'ln1 President Roosevelt's speech with which
the public is likely to be much concerned.-"It
Is that in which he asserts that rich malefac
tors have combined to bring about fihandlal
Btress' for' the purpose of discrediting ' the pol
icy of the government. A more unscrupulous
or a more desperate statement it would be im
possible tp make. His great position forbids Its
adequate" ckaracteriEatiPn: We can only permit
ohrselves to say that If Mr. Roosevelt does hot
know it' to be false both his circumstances and
the circumstances of the country are such as to
occasion grave alarm.
Wall Street Journal: Secretary Taft takes
up every plank in the Roosevelt, platform re
specting the corporations and defends 'them to
the fullest degree. The Taft speech is substan
tially the Roosevelt speech expressed in Taft lan
guage. Its judicial tone, its strong opposition to
government ownership and its defense of the
paur.ts and of the, constitutional rights of private
property are exactly what might be expected
from Secretary Taft's training and character, but
there is nothing' "In, the speech to indicate any
wavering whatsoever' in the administration as
regards its policy of enforcement of law against
corporations which have violated law, and as' re
gards its policy of regulation of railroads and the
taxation 6f incomes andMnherltances.
Times: Mr. Roosevelt is a politician. He
knows that he has "the people behind, him" in
the policies he 1& executing. Jn their present
(temper .they would applaud and approve even
xxpre. Radical- policies, we doubt not. How, little
hp cqncqr'na himself abput the disaster and ruin
he threatens to bring upon the business com
munity appears from his amazing hypothesis that
recent violent declines in security values may
have been caused by "certain malefactors of
groat wealth" who have combined "to bring
about as much financial stress as they possibly
can in order to discredit tho policy of the gov
ernment and thereby to cecure a reversal of that
policy." If Mr. Roosevelt were content to con
fine himself to the punishment of tho wrong
doers and tho enforcement of laws, business
could get along with him; but he Is seoking to
remake tho governmental and industrial system
of tho country, a task for which a restless tom
porament and boundless energy constitute his
solo equipment. That they do not constltuto fit
ness or competence and that undertaking of such
a task by such hands Is fraught with the gravest
peril are truths now becoming Increasingly evi
dent to reasoning minds.
Evening Post: Secretary Taft's speech was
to have been a trumpet; it turns out to bo a
second violin. His long and rather tedious
speech might have been condensed into tho
single sentence: "I say ditto to President
Roosevelt." It may bo said that as loyal friend
and heir apparent, Mr. Taft could have done no
less. It may also bo said that the Immense suc
cess politically, of Roosevelt's railway and cor
poration policies, justifies any aspiring public
man in trying to enter into that splendid heri
tage of popularity and votes. But this Is not
what the people were given to expect. Not for
this did they wait so eagerly to read Mr. Taft's
speech. From it we wore to learn that he wa3
an original, independent, and fearless statesman.
It was to be a direct and ringing appeal; in fact,
it is a feeble echo.
. Globe: Secretary Taft is not a sermon izer
or a lecturer. "He has a preference for details
rather than for the expression of loosely uttored
general principles! He is familiar with the fed
eral constitution and respects tho limitations
on federal action; His temperament Is that of
tho judge and the practical administrator rather
than that of tho tempestuous shouter. While
not shrinking from what are called advanced
ideas, the methods he proposes are orderly and
cautious. His prepossession being to reconcile
progress with conservatism. In many ways his
discussion of current Issues Is one of the most
candid, practical and Illuminating that have over
come froih a presidential candidate when his
friends were Indulged in the labor of rallying
support. '
Mall: The tone of Mr. Taft's address is
gopd, particularly in the large and reasoning way
in which ho exposes the fallacies of Mr. Bryan.
His exposition of the Nebraskari's distrust of
the honesty, courage and Impartiality of the In
dividual as an agent on behalf of the people to
carry on any part of the government will give
the latter a bad quarter of an hour. Mr. Taft's
reasons for demanding a revision of the tariff
are convincing, and conclusive is his reason for
deferring it until after the presidential election.
The secretary in his discussion of tho trust prob
lem gives evidence of a broader conception of
the question than that embodied In the Sherman
law or In the utterances of any other public man
who has the ear of the pepple.
Press: Whether some of us agree or dis
agree with the methods and Instruments which
the chief executive employs to control the trans
gressor, all of us who seek to have the evil prac
tice of the predatory powers suppressed leap, to
that challenge of the man who breathes the spirit
of the Puritan either to control the wrongdoer,
, or, if there is no other way, to smite him down
with the iron of wrath. It is this striding
straight on to the battle field, instead of skirting
its outer bounds, that has made the American
people love Theodore Roosevelt among the first
of their leaders and that has earned him free
forgiveness for such mistakes as their impul
sive but doughty champion has committed, as
It will earn him more forg!venes3 for other
: errors that may be cast against his score. It is
this Prince Rupert quality of Mr. Roosevelt that
j convinces his admirers that, though ho. fail apd
fail again, he will keep on trying.
Letters From the People
James Groon, Thomaston, Conn. In yout
Issuo of May 10, 1007, you gave it as youi
opinion tho principles which should be put Into
the next national democratic platform at tho
request of tho Kansas Democratic club. I do
not know where this club is located in Kansas.
Any member of tho club has not said on3 word
about tho principles given or omitted. I should
add to that list of principles tho following: All
money should bo issuod by tho government of
whatever kind. Becauso Homo citizens havo
property known as bonds, they should not I.avo
tho privilege of handling any of our money bo
, fore It gets into circulation and charfn,; tho
rest of us follows interest for its uso. The Issu
ing of money Is a sovereign privilege and should
not bo delegated to any class of citlzmia. It
creates a privileged class whon you give somo
people so much advantago over their fellows.
Will The Commoner please note and let one who
has worked Tor your Interest and principles In
tho past and permit the publication of tho abovo
in ypur valuablo paper. To my mind thlrt Jb
the most Important plank which should appear
in tho next democratic platform.
Phillip Brown, Huntington, Pa. I havo
been a reader of The Commoner for tho past
two years, through which you advocate that all
affairs of tho government, state and municipal,
be economically administered. I am sorry to
confess I did not notice a singlo sontonco of
condemnation In Tho Commoner In relation to
the late salary grab consummated by our rep
resentatives in Washington for the bonoflt of a
wfow hundred government officials, to the tune
of over ono million dollars, at the oxponse of
tho taxpayer. I was of tho opinion it required
two or more parties to settle their rcspcctlvo
grievances by arbitration, but our wise law
makers reversed ray opinion; they did not con
sult their employers about tho justlco of this
graft. I am sorry to confess our much boasted
representative system of government does not
servo tho purpose for which it was established,
considering tho existing mismanagement and
corruption in all shapes and forms in ovory
state of tho union. I am opposed to govern
ment ownership of the railroads, for tho follow
. ing reasons: I think It would create a political
machine which could not easily be eradicated.
I further contend that our government officials
are cither Incapable or else neglect the duty
which thoy owe to the public to manage such
properties successfully. We havo a fair example
of government management of the mall service,
which should bo self-sustaining, Instead of pro
ducing a deficit of several million dollars annu
ally, Tho only beneficiaries of this system, constitutes-
the postmasters of the first and second
class cities, next tho favored contractors for
furnishing the supplies, and last but not least
the railroad corporations who receive millions of
dollars In excess of just remuneration for carry
ing the mall. Our war with Spain In 1898 Vas
waged for the purpose of freeing Cuba at our
expense and setting up another rotten borough
republic like those already in existence on this
continent, of which our government assumed the
guardianship. The Cubans did have the trial
of tho new government system but they did
fall to better their former condition, after which
they did start a civil war for the purpose of
finding a way out of the wilderness. Thanks to
President Roosevelt, who was equal to the emer
gency, he did send for a second Moses of Panama
by tho name of Magoon of canal fame, to act
as governor of Cuba, to teach the Cubans politi
cal science according to our method "To the
victor belongs the spoils." Our wards cause
Uncle Sam a great deal of trouble and expense,
Look at the performance of tho government
with the building of the canal, importing six
engineers from Europe for the purpose of finding
out the difference between a sea level canal and
a lock canal, all of the foreign engineers and
one of ours a majority, did report In favor of a
sea level canal, but our wise men of Washington
reversed their finding and substituted a lock
canal. I am in accord with Senator Tillman,
who compared the management with a hocus
pocus performance. . The above statements con
stitute the basis -of, my opposition to government
f ownership of the railroads. If the gpvernraont
- is-powerless to regulate the railroads by-law
the government 4s i also incapable .of .operating
-ttiem with success.
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