AUGUST, 16, 1907
The Cotnm6nerf
7
Washington Letter
Washington, D. C, August 12. The rail
road situation in the south must bo sorely per
plexing to some publicists who, spdakiug inci
dentally for the railroads themselves, have de
nounced centralization and pleaded for the' re
turn to states' rights. "Back to the constitu
tion," shouted Henry Watteraon, fearing that
the growing tendency of the federal govern
ment to control the roads would affect securi
ties and the prosperity of the rich. The New
York Sun, partial to Wall Street, inveighed bit
terly against Mr. Roosevelt's actions and Mr.
Bryan's policies nnd demanded that the nation
should keep hands off of matters which the
states themselves should be permitted to reg
ulate. The New York Times inveighed against
those who would take away from the states
their sacred rights and confer thorn ,upon the
nation.
Well, what has been the result? In North
Carolina Governor Glenn has won. his fight; in
Virginia Governor Swaiison is just; "beginning
his with all the added strength that Glenn's
victory gives him. Alabama has won, Its battle.
Georgia practically won its battle when, it elect
ed Hoke Smith governor. Texas and Missis
sippi are ready to take up the struggle against
railroad aggression.
Now mark. AH the impassioned pleading
against centralization came from well known
corporation organs. They were right in their
arguments but they did not know it. They
thought that by transferring the battle of the
.railroads against the people from the national
capital to the comparatively weak state gov
ernments, they could protect their clients. What
they did not figure on was the fact that the
state governments are close to the people and
that when a question of vital importance to the
whole community is referred direct to the -voters
and pressed with vigor and honesty, the decision
is apt to be in accord with the popular temper.
So greatly has the south suffered from railroad
extortions and railroad politics, that not a state
thus far in which rate reduction and stringent
regulation has. been made an issue has failed to
decide in favor of both. Florida might, for
there' two railroads divide the state and most
of Its press between them. But there is scarce
ly another southern state in which an anti-railroad
campaign would not at present mean suc
cess. The recent announcement from the railroad
sources which control the coal output that the
price of coal will be raised this winter, at once
suggests the pertinent query, what has become
of the government prosecution of the coal trust
cases? Certainly It would seem that four or five
years were a sufficient length of time for a
"strenuous" administration to bring certain vio
lators of the federal anti-trust laws to the bar
of justice. It was away tack in 1902, at the
time when the gigantic contest between the
mineworkers and their employers was impend
ing, when Mr. W. R. Hearst collected detailed
Information and evidence showing that our coal
resources were monopolized by a trust that was
illegally restraining trade. Whatever became of
the suit Mr. Hearst then instituted, probably
he or the administration can say. But nobody
else can. The coal trust has already, despite
the "divine right" theory of one Baer, been
forced to recognize the rights of its employes to
a certain extent. It almost brought industrial
paralysis upon the country for the mine work
ers to win a oiearly fair contention. Probably
tt will take something in the nature of a physi
cal paralysis, which the coal magnates might
suffer if they were properly imprisoned, to bring
them to a realization of the rights of the public.
In our modern industrial system there are
three parties vitally concerned the capitalist,
the laborer, and the public. The two first are
well able to take care of themselves, oven if
they have to fight for their rights. They are
organized, and are aggressive. But the poor
public is evidently forgotten. It is difficult for
consumers to co-operate for their own protec
tion. The laborers, in the mining industry,
rightly strike for higher wages, shorter hours,
and better working conditions. No humane per
son can visit the mining camps and not sym
pathize with the mine- workers' demands. The
coal barons fight the contentions of their em
ployes as long as possible. Of course sometimes
'the worker is unfair. But the'Darons are al
ways defenders of the treasury, ' Whcfn forced
by public sentiment and s&f-intefst to give in,
they get even with the people by'ralsiiig the
price of coat
Whether this riso of prices is just or not.
depends entirely upon what tho coal trust is
able to earn on Its investment. Nobody objocts
to a capitalist earning a fair profit, oven a good
one. Capitalistic enterprise must and should
be encouraged. But no profit for capital that is
so large that it spells fabulous wealth for a few
coal barons, and starvation wages .for their
workmen, and a struggle to make endir moot by
the public is right. The workmen aro organized,
and are slowly but surely demanding their full
share of the wealth they help to produce Tho
public, on tho contrary, is practically at tho
mercy of tho trust, unless tho government steps
in and conserves their rights as it should do. It
has taken our present "strenuous" administra
tion, over four years to bogln to stop in. Prob
ably after tho cases aro heard tho coal barons,
like other trust offenders, will be fined a largo
,sum and admonished. Then up will go the prlco
of coal, and the fine will be collected out of tho
pockets: of tho people. Somebody will laugh, but
it won't bo the general public. There Is only
one practical mothod left to tho federal govern
ment to obtain obedience to its criminal stat
utes, namely, to make the Imprisonment clauso
a reality, not a joke, and send tho big violators
of the law to jail just as we send tho small. But
when has the present "strenuous" admlnistra- ,.
tion done this in any signal case? When Is it
going to do so? Probably, after tho tariff Is
revised In 1909.
The fact of how far a monopoly will go to
roll up a clearly unconscionable dividend, is
presented by tho recent sum paid its stockhold
ers of the Adams Express company. A $24,
000,000 melon was cut, just as about nine years .
before a $12,000,000 melon was served in much
the same manner. Yet this company has be
sides this enormous profit, paid its stockholders
about eight per cent annually on their invest
ment. And now after nine years they add to
it an accumulated dividend that amounts to a
200 per cent profit on their stock.
One of tho most humorous episodes of this
melon cut is the protest of the minority stock
holders, that the company is still holding back
a huge fund which the ring on the Inside are
accused of having an evil intent to spirit away.
These irreconcileables have written a letter to
their follow shareholders that certainly needs
explaining by those who control the company.
There is evidently "something rotten in Den
mark" somewhere. "Where there is smoke,
there is fire."
But what is the express company's attitude
toward the public? Read the case of the So
ciety of American Florists against the United
States Express company, wherein it was charged
before the interstate commerce commission that
this company had unreasonably and unjustly
raised their rates on cut flowers from Jersey
points to New York City. The rate charged
till July, 1906, was fifty cents per 100 pounds.
It was raised to $1.00 per 100 pounds, or 100
per cent. After hearing this case, the commis
" sion compromised with an express company, re
ported to have a $24,000,000 melon of its own
to cut, and it allowed this company to charge
ten cents more to the shipper than previously,
or sixty cents per 100 pounds, an increase of
twenty per cent over the old rate. A fine com
promise by the Interstate commerce com
mission! The melon cut of the Adams company was
nicely timed because by the end of June under
the rate law the express company must for tho
first time as a. common oarrier have made a
detailed repprt of its affairs to the interstate
commerce commission. The 200 per cent divi
dend has been so manipulated as to make this
enormous addition to the company's liabilities
of great possible value. For now when the ex
press company's customers complain of exces
sive charges, and the interstate commerce com
missioners listen sympathetically, we may ex
pect able lawyers to contend that any Interfer
ence with express company rates would amount
to confiscation.
But whence these enormous profits? They
are based on a special privilege that the govern
ment under tho domination of the republican
party seems Impotent to break. The govern
ment should refuse to allow our railroad com
panies to surrender their functions as common
carriers to express companies, and graft like
fast freight, special car lines, and sleeping cars,
should be shut off. Graft of this kind reaches
far down in the pockets of the people and ex
plains why railroad presidents and directors
h.ave rolled up enormous fortunes while the
average railroad stockholder receives a dividend
of three or four per cent.
t WILLIS J. ABBOTT.
Letters From the People
George F. Langenan, Iluntora, Va. Out
west tho Chincso aro models of industry and
frugality so much ho that competition by
Americans la impossible. Why arc thoy starv
ing In their own country? I would like to boo
a statoment of rents and taxes paid by theso
starving millions. Does any part of Chineso
taxes go to religious orders?
Henry M. Nelson, Georgetown, Mass.
When a boy I committed to memory a poem,
"Hymn to tho Flowers." The one verse that I
now recall is this:
"Yo bright mosaics that with storied beauty
The floor of nature's temple tcssclates,
What numerous embloms of instructive duty
Your forms create."
This poem was written by Horace Smith.
Will you confer a favor on a loyal subscriber
by re-printing the entire poem? The Boston
Cultivator, published by Otis Brewer, was for
a quarter of a century and more (say from 1840
to 1870) our principal agricultural wcokly, and
for a considerable time Mr. Brewer printed
once a year, on tho front page this, "Hymn to
the Flowers," embellished with a most wondor
ful illustration of flowers, massed and singly.
If you will kindly print it, it will bo gratifying
to me and doubtless to many others. (Has any
Commoner reader a copy of this poem?)
E. J. Petersen, M. D., Lompoc, Cal. Tho
writer Is one who Is always deoply Interested
in public questions that are for tho benefit of
tho public in general. Wo aro nearing tho time
when there will again bo a groat political fight
fought. The success of a party doponds to a
great extent on a strong, liberal and broad plat
form, and not ou hobbles. That our country la
threatened with imperialism Is a sad fact, ono
that needs careful consideration. In all their
past fights neither of the two great political
parties has over embodied a c'ause in their plat
form in regard to revising the patent laws. That
the patent laws aro unjust, unsatisfying and in a
great measure the cause of tho formation and
prospering of a great many combines is a sad
fact. Patent once granted must be final. If
of great public value the government could buy
It and give it to tho general public. It would
be wise to embody this In tho next national
democratic platform. Wo should have a postal
service which would carry larger and heavier
packages of merchandise at about one-half the
present rate. This should be embodied in tho
next national democratic platform. A change
is necessary In the fraud order system of tho
United States mall. Any party condemned by
the postal officials should have tho right to de
fend himself before a court at once. In a free
country where every one is promised a square
deal tho present regulations are unsatisfactory.
Tho Crumpacker bill passed the house by 110
votes in favor and one against. All this bill
asked was tho right of a public trial in such
cases. It was downed in the senate. This
brings to my mind the Importance of electing
senators by public vote in place of by the legis
latures of the various states. This matter of
electing United States senators by the people Is
an important question. The Japanese question
is one that should, by all means, be embodied
in the democratic platform. It would mean a
great deal for this country. We do not need
the Japanese or Chinese, nor do we want them.
Our children could not attend their schools If
they tried, and our people can not hold prop
erty there. Why should we allow them these
privileges In this country? They are unde
sirable in this country.. Tho negro question
is ono that we may never bo able to solve. It
is too late. Shall we wait with the Japanese
question until It Is too late? It is important
for the great parties to have new and important
issues. The democratic party Is supposed to
stand for the people; why should It fall to take
up the Important questions of United States
senator election by the people, parcel post and
changes In the postal regulations as stated,
the exclusion of Japanese and Chinese, railroad
regulation by the United States government and
revision oi! the patent laws? Because these aro
important questions, I have drawn your atten
tion to the matter.
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