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AUGUST t, HOT
The Commoner,
PPl
vsiortunato of late in its United States sona
tors. This reflection is induced by the demand
started by the Central Federation of Labor of
."Washington that Senator Borah of Idaho, now
tinder indictment, shall also bo put under arrest
and forced to give ball. This demand will very
shortly be re-echoed by every central labor union
in the country, as Borah has brought down upon
tils head the antagonism of labor unions by his
prosecution of Haywood.
Senator Borah was indicted for complicity
In land frauds, the indictment, of course, being
found by a federal grand jury. The ordinary
courso of procedure is that the man indicted
shall bo arrested and held under bail until the
trial may be had. Indictment does not neces
sarily mean guilt or conviction and one of tho
unfair things about American public sentiment
Is that too often mere presentment by a grand
ury isheld to put a stigma upon a man's name,
however, it is apparently the purpose of tho
tabor organizers to Insist that, pending tho ter
mination of his case, ho should not be permitted
to return to the senate chamber. There is noth
ing except senatorial etiquette and a certain pre
cedent having no foundation in law that would
enable enforcement of this demand. True, the
two republican senators, Mitchell of Oregon, and
Burton of Kansas, who suffered indictment and
conviction did, through motive of some personal
self-respect, refrain from attempting to take
their seats. But either could have done so prior
to conviction had he chosen. Burton went as
far in the direction of brazen effrontery as the
senate has ever known, by stepping just inside
Its door in order that he might technically bo
,held in attendance and collect his mileage.
The Borah incident is likely to embarass
the president, as he has it in his power to de
mand that the regular process of law in the
United States court of the district of Idaho shall
be complied with even though a prominent re
publican wheel-horse'and the boss of the party
in that state is thereby made to suffer.
The treasury department reports Itself
"hard up," and towns and cities all over the
United States which have been expecting to see
ground broken for public buildings this summer
are doomed to disappointment. And this al
though the receipts of the treasury are greater
than ever before and with a fair promise that
the "surplus at the end of the fiscal year will
react $80,000,000.
"Why, then, should appropriations made for
public buildings be held up? The treasury offi
cials answer that it is because the bids put
in run from twenty-five to fifty per cent higher
than in past years. They further say that the
money will be saved up until "labor" shall "be
begging for jobs Instead of jobs going begging
for labor."
Let us consider these propositions: An
overflowing treasury can not carry out the plain
dictates of congress because the tariff has so
increased the price of building materials that
.no building can be put up within the estimated
cost. So the administration which applauds this
tariff will defer putting up buildings ordered
by congress until "labor is begging for a job."
Yet the tariff was created and is maintained
for the protection of American labor.
-Meanwhile steel magnates, lumber barons,
protected persons of high degree are erecting
palaces that eclipse those of Europe. Labor
cost, and material cost does not bother Carnegie
or Schwab, Clark of Montana, Walsh or Frick.
Every day's paper tells of, a new million dollar
residence , building for a protected millionaire.
But the United States government is too
poor to put up $50,000 postoffices in western
towns because labor is too well -paid.
The truth will out. In spite of glowing re
ports 'issued by the presidentially appointed gov
ernors of our colonial dependency in the At
lantic, it now transpires that all Is not well.
. Porto Rico does not seem to be enjoying the
benefits of our benevolent assimilation. The
promises of General Miles when he invaded
. Porto Rico have not been fulfilled. In the first
place Porto Rico by casting in her lot with
the United States became commercially an. out
cast from Spain and countries with whom Spain
had tariff arrangements. She expected to off
set this trade law by the new markets that she
would find in the United States. But the re
publican administration listened to American
sugar interests and to the American merchants
who previously supplied us with the products
that Portd Rico produced. In consequence the
constitution did not follow the flag, Porto Rico
was not admitted within our1 custom's boundary,
but on the contrary a fifteen per cent tariff was
levied against her Imports into this country and
against our exports to her. Such was our first
step in benevolent assimilation. Tho degree of
self-government allowed to her was similar to
the amount of commercial freedom, that wo
gavo her. Whilo oho can elect her assembly all
measures desirod for tho peoplo of Porto Rico
must first receivo tho acquiescence of tho six
Americans appointed by tho presidont to ad
minister tho various departments of her govern
ment. She is as much a rulod colonial de
pendency of tho United States as India is of
England. Sho has not tho self-government of
Canada or Australia and today sho is on tho
verge of ruin becauso of tho tariff policy that
tho United States has pursued as far as she Is
concerned.
Senor Don Jose do Diego of Porto Rico is
here to present to tho state department cortain
claims of the Island. Ho says that many of his
countrymen have told the president what ho likes
to be told but that ho will toll him tho truth
about Porto Rico. Ho says that In tho first placo
Porto Rico wants citizenship or self-government
similar to that given Canada by Great Britain.
He further says that if tho proposed French
tariff law becomes effective It will bring tho
death to tho prosperity of Porto Rico unless
Porto Rican coffee f.s given a preforenco In
American markets over the present Importations
of that article from other countries.
WILLIS J. ABBOTT.
A LETTER THAT EXPLAINS A GREAT DEAL
- More and more the real inwardness of tho
government's railroad an 1 trust policy Is coming
to light Each disclosure makes It moro appar
ent that this policy has Its origin not so much
in conviction as in expediency. It is the work
of "practical men." It is formulated by tho poli
tician who Is feeling tho pulse of tho peoplo. It
is, apparently, not intended so much to regulato
the corporations as it is to mako a show of doing
so, which will head off any real attempt.
Here is an extract from a letter addressed
to H. H. Kohlsaatt of Chicago. The letter is
dated "Oyster Bay, N. Y., August 7, 1899."
After Bome personal matter3 this remark
able epistle says:
"How about trusts? I know this is a very
large question, but more and more It seems 'to
me that there will bo a good deal of Importance,
to tho trust matter In tho next campaign, and
I want to consult with men whom I trust most
as to what line of policy should be pursued.
"During the last few months I have boon
growing exceedingly alarmed at the growth of
popular unrest and popular distrust on this ques
tion. It Ib largely aimless and baseless, but
there is a very unpleasant side to this overrun
trust development, and what I fear is, if wo do
not have some consistent policy to advocate then,
that the multitudes will follow the crank who
advocates an absurd policy, but who does advo
cate something.
"Have you thought enough about the mat
ter to say whether any legislation, and if so,
what, should be undertaken, or whether there
Is any other remedy that can be wisely applied?
Faithfully yours,
"THEODORE ROOSEVELT."
It will be observed that the distinguished
' writer is not so much "alarmed" because tho
trusts are robbing the people as he Is that tho
peoplo are showing ""unrest" and "distrust,"
which, he says, is largely "aimless and baseless,"
because they are being robbed.
His "fear" Is not that the corporations will
continue this exploiting policy, but that, if tho
republicans do not make a play to allay popular
discontent, "the multitudes .will follow" some
body "who doe's advocate something."
In the writer's mind, anybody who really
did "advocate something" that meant anything
would, of course, bo a "crank," but this appella
tion would not apply to any one. who merely
made a show for the purpose' of quieting "popu
lar unrest" and "distrust."
This is the attitude of the opportunist and
politician.
That it applies not only to the trusts in
general, but to the railroad policy as well, Is
made plain in- this statement, which, Kohlsaat
says, was made by his bosom friend - oosevelt:
"I believe the time has come when we must
have federal supervision or federal control of
railroads. I am utterly opposed to tho govern
ment ownership of railroads. However, I be
lieve that, it we do not get government super
vision or control, the radical demand for govern
ment ownership,- will come with force and, per
haps, sweep the, people along with it."
In other words, the railroads mast bo regu-,
lated not because they are doing wrong, but
beciiuoo tho peoplo may b ceo mo dissatisfied and
clamor for government ownership.
If tho people wonder why, after all tho nolso
that has boon made, tho govcrnmont hns actually
dono nothing against tho trusts and railroads,
they havo tho explanation hero. Now York
American.
oooo
WHAT DOES IT PROFIT THEM?
Hoar tho foolish peoplo grumbling at tho wind
and at tho rain;
Thoy complain about their losses or tho Httlo
that thoy gain;
They nro trotting under- burdons that havo bent
their shoulders low;
They are mourning for tho chances that they
missed long, long ago;
Thinking all the world Is drear,
- With sad faces thoy appear;
But what profits are thoy gaining for tho sad
ness that thoy show?
See the foolish peoplo frowning as thoy hurry
on thoir ways, ,
Thoy havo neither tlmo for smiling nor for giv
ing others praise;
Thoy aro thinking of their sorrows, which are
always multiplied;
They are bearing woes that over in their minds
aro magnified;
They aro hurrying along,
Thinking all that is is wrong;
But what profits aro thoy gaining for the joy
thoy put asldo?
Hear tho foolish peoplo grioving over fanclod
slights and wrongs;
Thoy decline to search for gladness and thoy
hum no hopeful songs;
Thoy are looking out for evils and forgottlng
In their haste
To porceivo tho glowing splondor of the precious
days they waBto;
Burdening themselves with hato,
Thoy aro cavilling at Fate;
But what profits aro they gaining for the bit
terness thoy taste?
See tho foolish peoplo passing joys they havo
tho right to share;
They aro busy hunting trouble, thoy arc. cling
ing to despair; - '- . , . -
They go peering into corners in their search
- for sin and shamo;
They are blind to all the beauty that sur
rounds them; full of blame
For the man whoso look is glad,
Thoy pass onward, bowed and sad;
But what profits are they gaining for tho glee
they will not claim?
S. E. KIser in Chicago Record-Herald.
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