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"The Source of Bryanism"
In its effort to prove that Mr. Bryan is not
a democrat, tho New York World has an edi
torial ontitlod "The Sourco of Bryanism." From
this editorial these extracts are taken:
"July 2, 1892, tho first national con
vention of the people's party mcb at Omaha,
Neb. Tijjg convention made a
poworfnl appeal to William J. Bryan, then
a young representative in congress from tho
First district of Nebraska and ambitions to
represent tho state in tho United States
senate.
"Mr. Bryan helped arrange a form of
fusion betweon Nebraska democrats and
populists by which tho bulk of thtf demo
cratic vote was cast for Weaver, Cleveland
polling fewer than 25,000 in a total of 200,
000. Mr. Bryan himself is said to havo
voted for tho populist electors.
"Tho platform adopted by this conven
- tion was appropriated by Mr. Bryan and has
boon advocated by him over since. Indeed, '
with tho exception of anti-imperialism,
which had not then como into existence as
an issue, Mr. Bryan had insistently advocat
ed almost vuo important principles except
those enunciated in this populist platform.
"Sometimes it is free silver; sometimes
it is government ownership; sometimes it is
m tho initiative and referendum; but each
time Mr. Bryan returns to. the fountainhead
of his political inspiration, the populist na-"
tional convention of 1892.
"This is what makes it a labor of Her
cules for Mr. Bryan to try to represent true
democratic principles. He is not a demo
crat, but a populist. Instead of applying
democratic principles to changed conditions,
lie instinctively applies populist principles.
"For fifteen years now Mr. Bryan has
been experimenting to ascertain how much
. populist doctrine he could cram down the
throat of the democratic party. How much,
longer are democrats of the United States
rc1 "going to submit to the experiment?"
The World is a great newspaper and many
"Ot41s?Ca,ders have implicit confidence in it. It
ought not, therefore, mislead them by making
It appear that Mr. Bryan bolted the democratic
national ticket In 1892. It is true that a large
number of democratic votes -were cast for Gen
eral Weaver, but this was done in the hope of
keeping Nebraska out of the republican column
' In that year. The plan was not "arranged"
by Mr. Bryan. It was arranged by the demo
cratic national committee and for the benefit
of Mr. Cleveland. The plan was communicated
to the democrats in a "confidential letter" writ
ter by the late Governor James E. Boyd under
date of October 17, 1892. In that letter Gov
ernor Boyd asked democrats to vote for the
Weaver electors, saying that ho made the re
quest at the instance of the democratic national
committee, and ho assured Nebraska democrats
that this would be "a definite step toward vic
tory and the ultimate triumph of Cleveland and
Stevenson and the principles they represent."
It was In that year that Mr. Bryan was the dem
ocratic nominee for re-election to congress. The
populists had a candidate who made such a vig
orous contest that Mr. Bryan was re-elected by
but a small plurality over the republican candi
date. These facts have been repeatedly pub
lished and the editor of the New York World
can not be ignorant of them. For the source
of what It Is pleased to call "Bryanism" the
Now York World must go back considerably
farther than the populist national convention
of 1892.
According to the World Mr. Bryan appro
priated the populist national nln.tifnrm.nf irq
kt .. . IJ- ' .a, .
ana mo nauonai convention of that party was
f'the source of Brlsm," But if0. years be-
ioiw me popunst national convention of 1892
ir. .Bryan was a democratic nominpo fnr non-
tress and his nlfltform nflvnnntex winof v.
reforms to which tho World sneeringly refers;
as "Bryanism." Mr. Bryan's-platform of 1890.
was then regarded as a pretty good democratic!
jiauorra
That nlntform rnntnlnnrl -r.lo-r.i- ,inn,x,..,
Ing the tariff potfbyt.of the republican party as
"contrary to the spirit of our constitution, inimi
cal to the best interests of our emmtrv nmi as.
pecialjy unjust and unfair to tho people of the'
great northwest." That was years ago. Two1
years afterwards the democratic national plat
form denounced a tariff levied for tho purpose of
protection as unconstitutional, and the candidate
who ran upon that platform carried the country
by a largo electoral vote and by a large popular
vote.
- ' Mr. Bryan's platform of 1890 condemned
the giving of subsidies and bounties of every
kind, and added: "Our merchant marine can
best be restored by a repeal of the laws which
have caused its decline."
Mr. Bryan's 1890 platform .also contained
the following plank: "We favor an amendment
of the federal constitution which will take the
election of United States senators' from .the state
legislatures and place it in the hands of the peo
ple, where it bolongs." When that plank was
written the house of representatives had never
passed a resolution proposing the necessary
amendment, but since that time -the house has
four times passed such a resolution twice with
a democratic majority and twice with a repub
lican majority. But each time the senate has
blocked the way to the submission of the amend
ment.. .More than two-thirds of the states of
the union have adopted resolutions favoring this
reform. The democratic national platforms,
both in 1900 and 1904 endorsed this doctrine.
Mr. Bryan's platform of 1890 also favored
"the Australian or some similar system of bal
loting which will insure to every citizen tho
right to cast his vote according to- his own judg
ment, free from corruption and intimidation."
Since that plank was written the Australian bal
lot has been adopted in a large number of states
and has been of great service to the country.
Mr. Bryan's 1890 platform Also, contained
the following plank: "We are opposed to the
trust in all its forms, and favor vigorous meas
ures for its prevention and suppression." This
plank was written in the beginning of the anti
trust fight, the very year that the Sherman anti
trust law was enacted. He was instrumental in
having inserted in the national platforms of 1896
and 1900 the declaration that "a private moh
opoly is Indefensible and intolerable."
The platform of 1890 also denounced the
force bill as "an encroachment upon the rights
of citizens and an attempt to perpetuate the re
publican party in power by overruling the elec
tion laws of the states;" and it also condemned
the republican congressman from the Lincoln
district for the support of that measure.
The platform of 1890 said: "The public,
domain should be preserved for the actual set
tlers, and we demand the enactment of a law
prohibiting the holding of lands by non-resident
aliens."
The platform of 1890 denounced Speaker
Reed's rules as "having the Intent and opera
tion not only of overruling the rights of the
minority but also of enabling an actual minority,
it being a majority of the party in power, to
enact legislation at the dictation of the secret
caucus without deliberation or debate, thus
enormously increasing the influence of a corrupt
lobby. Since the adoption of the Reed rules
the house has ceased to be a deliberative body,
and measures are often put through without dis
cussion and without debate, and the majority
has thus been able to avoid being put on record
on ' amendments where a record vote might be
embarrassing.
Besides containing the planks above re
ferred to, Mr. Bryan's platform of 1890 con
tained a pension plank and the following plank
on the silver question: "We demand the free
coinage of silver on equal terms with gold, and
denounce the effdrts of the republican party to
serve the interests of Wall Street as against the
rights of the people." Just before the adoption
of this plank (and two years before the popu
list convention of, 18 92) about nine-tenths of
the democrats of the house, of representatives
had voted tp recommit the Sherman silver bill
with Instructions to report a free coinage bill.
In 1892 two years after the adoption of this
congressional platform, the democratic national
platform contained a plank In favor of the use
of "both gold and silver as the standard money
of the country," and In favor of the "coinage
of both- gold and silver, without discrimination
against either metal or charge for mintage."
The principle of bimetallism wad thus stated,
but the plank of 1892 contained a postscript
which was unfairly construed to nullify the de
claration in favor of the double standard. Prior
to 1890 the democratic party in the house and
senate had voted almost unanimbiisly in favor
of the free and unlimited coinage of gold and
silver at the ratio . of sixteen-to-one, 'without
VOLUME 7, NUMBER Z
waiting for the aid or consent of any other na
tion, and the plank In Mr. Bryaii'd platform was
in entire harmony with tho uniform policy of
tho party.
Although In his public speeches In 1890
and at other times prior to the populist conven
tion of 1892 Mr. Bryan Advocated the income
tax, bimetallism, election of senators by popu
lar vote and similar plans, the New York World
did not then question, his democracy; on tho
contrary the World hailed him as a pretty good
sort of a democrat.
But whatever the World's opinion of Mr.
Bryan may be It ought to at least be fair to its
readers when it comes to' the statement of
simple fact.
Washington Letter
Washington, D. O., August 5. There is
one phase of the North Carolina rate contro
versy which should not escape public notice.
Within a few hours after the nrrest of President
Finley of the Southern railroad for aiding and
abetting in the violation of the laws of North
Carolina, the whole matter was quickly compro
mised on practically the terms originally de
manded by Governor Glenn. As long as only
under-strappers .in the Southern railroad wero
arrested the railroad was willing to fight the
law arifa stand on their so-call6d rights, and in
cidentally upon tho rights of every one else,
till the crack of doom. The dignity of the fed
eral judiciary must be maintained at all costs.
North Carolina's so-called propaganda of confis
cation must be fought out on the lines prescribed
by the railroad if it took all summer.. The
Southern railroad would protect tho constitu
tion at all hazards. Unconditional surrender by.
Governor Glenn,, and no compromise that kept
in force the two ,and one-fourth cent per mile
rate prescribed by law, were the watch-words
of the railroad. As long as understrappers were
arrested and sentenced to jail the railroad com
pany was passing bold. The positions of sub
ordinates are easily filled, and a few months in
jail would do a common employe good. But
when the law laid Its hands on the man higher
up, what a difference it made. All of, .which,
goes to show that if you want to make a mon
opolist obey the law and play square, you must
go directly to the fountain head of corruption
and' law-defiance, and lay a heavy hand of jus
tice upon the big offender. Enforce the state
and criminal statutes against the heads of trusts,
and give a few ojE them a taste of the imprison
ment clause, and it will do more good than a
million investigations that at their conclusion
only leave the investigated In a position where
they can laugh at the fmpotence of their inquisi
tors. Get after a few Finleys, and get after
them in the right way, and such episodes as that
in North Carolina, would not recur often. It is
simply the veriest humbug for a railroad pay
ing such dividends and making such profits as
the Southern itself claims, to contend that a
two and one-fourth cent passenger rate per mile
is confiscatory. It Is to the lasting credit .of
Governor Glenn that he would not be fooled by
such- a patent fraud,- and that he went direct
and let the man higher up know that the jails
of North Carolina still yearned for a violator of
the laws even if he" is a president of a railroad
company. And It worked.
. ' A press dispatch of a few days since reports
attacks upon various meat shops in Philadelphia
by women, which before they were quelled
amounted to a good sized riot which it took all
the facilities of the police department to put
down. The cause of disturbance was the rais
ing of the price of meat from ten and twelve
cents to fourteen and sixteen cents a pound by
the retail butcher. Investigation proved that
the butchers were forced to do this by the action
of the packers In raising the price of meat. Evi
dently tho beef trust is not disposed to learn
anything by past experiences. Not satisfied with
having run their establishments in such an un
sanitary manner as to make them au absolute
menace to public health, not satisfied with hav
ing the exposure of their method cost ,them
over $5,000,000 in foreign trade and no one
knows how 'much in domestic trade, they are
now trying to retrench by methods which cer
tainly will bring down upon their heads the
wrath of a justly indignant public When con
gress passed the meat inspection; .law it was
more tlvan just to the packers inasmuch as they
charged the expense of Inspection to the. nation.
But the beef trust seems to show no disposition
to reciprocate.
The republican party has been singularly
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