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About The commoner. (Lincoln, Neb.) 1901-1923 | View Entire Issue (May 10, 1907)
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MAY 10, 1907
but ths theory of taxation,!! has opposed a taf'Iff
( leviqd purely Xor the purpose of protection and has
urged the income tax as a means of equalizing
"" ,Elghth The democratic party believes in econ
omy In public expenditures. Taxation being not
a blessing but a necessary evil, should be limited
to the needs of the government economically ad
ministered. t ' Ninth The democratic party being the foe of
; special privilege, is the natural enemy of the prl-
vate monopoly. It has presented the only sound
and consistent anti-trust platform In declaring that
a private monopoly Is indefensible and intolerable.
Tenth The democratic party believes that the
corporation created by law should ever be sub
servient to the law. It would Insert in each cor-
porafe charter "Remember thou thy creator" not"
only in youth but throughout Its existence.
Eleventh The democratic party in its efforts
to secure the equal treatment of all the people ac-fc
cording to their merits, natGrally takes the part
of the laboring man in his opposition to govcrn-
r mont by Injunction and In his demands for arbl-
tratioh and an eight hour day.
Twelfth The democratic party is opposed to
imperialism at home or abroad, and denies that a
republic can consistently "hold colonies and ad
minister governments outside of and in conflict
' with the principles of the constitution of the United
Thirteenth A.8 might be inferred from the fore
going, the democratic party is opposed to swollen
fortunes, and it would relieve the countfy of the
menace of such fortunes by withdrawing the spe
cial privileges which have enabled these fabulous
fortunes to be accumulated in so short a time.
It would restore In society God's law of rewards
so far as government is able to do so. God's law,
as shown in uaturer, suits "faie reward to the con
tribution one makes in energy, industry and in
telligence. If the government would cease to por
mit a few to monopolize that which belongs to all,
there would be no fortunes so swollen as to vex
The club also asks what issue will be para
mount. No one can speak with accuracy so far
- ahead, but It seems evident that the trust question
1 .will occupy a prominent place, and as it is more
' intimately connected with the tariff question and
'the railroad question, it can hardly fail to attract
"aIarge share of public attention next year.
" The contest between predatory wealth on the' one
vside and the unorganized masses on the o'ther can
not be put off, although it is impossible to say in
just what form the issue will present itself.
The young man who is seeking to use his in
fluence for the promotion of the welfare of the
common people will find the democratic party the
best organization through which to act It is not
perfect in its personnel, but perfection Is not to
be expected among men. It may not go as far
" as all reformers wish, but it is going in the right
direction. It may be more radical than some con
servatives would like to have it, but a reasonable
' radicalism is necessary if a 'more extreme radical
ism is to be avoided. The indications are that in
1908 the party will be able o add to those who
" have supported it a large number who recognize
the necessity of remedial legislation fashioned ac
' cording to democratic principles. It is not the
party of any class or section of the country. Tt
appeals to rich and poor alike and promises to
secure as far as it can justice to all.
jr ,' A Cincinnati, Ohio, reader makes this inter-
" Vesting contribution: "How did you happen to
"'make such a mistake? It was not Job that said
jlll-men are liars.' It was David. Don't you
"remember the Scotch minister that took this for
'a text, and after reading it, stopped, and wiping
his brow, said: 'Ah, Davie, had ye lived in this
generation, ye might hae said it at your leisure.' "
t Governor Woodruff of Connecticut, addressed
a meeting of the economic league at New Haven
reqently and made what the Hartford Courant
calls "a sensational speech in denunciation of the
lobby ridden general assembly." The governor
frankly confessed that he had been "turned down"
by the legislature and bluntly admitted that if he
o could get that legislature 'to pass one bill drawn
liin the public interest, he would be performing "a
miracle." The governor said: "I look upon gov
' ernment as a plain business propositfon, in -which
the state puts men Into office to attend to the peo
ple's affairs. The governor and the general as
sembly are servants of the commonwealth, acting
tinder its constitution and they are responsible di-
" rectly to the people for the way they carry on
the state's business. Would you ceep raen u your
"employ" who were working against your interests?
X guess not Would you engage men to manage
"your business who were under the Influence of
other men and other interests directly opposed
to your concern? I guess not. This Is very plain
talk easily understood. It does not contain any
charge against any man in the general assembly
who Is doing his duty as a representative of the
people; but it does charge every man In the as
. sembly who is controlled or coerced by the secret
power of corrupt luiluence with being a traitor to
his trust, an enemy of the state, unfit to hold office
in the general assembly. The time of the general
assembly Is wasted In juggling with legislation.
What a deplorable spectacle Is presented to our
view of the lawmaking power of this common-
wealth paralyzed by the grip of lobbyists! How
long will Connecticut stand for tills?"
This republican governor deserves the cordial
support of all good citizens In Connecticut and
the hearty commendation of men everywhere. Cor
poration lobbies can not last long in a state where
the, governor is watchful and brave enough to
speak out in the public interest.
i, More power to Governor Woodruff's elbow.
A DIAGRAM ' .
A Commoner' lender asks for the publication of
Query, Commoner March 22: "Will the pres
ent secretary of "the treasury now hasten, to re
imburse Mr. Perkins? It was the present secre
tary of the treasury who handled the money in
Answer, New York World, March 27: "Secre
tary Cortelyou today gave substantial relief to
the financial situation in Wall street by directing
that the customs receipts at New York be placed
in the national depositories in the city and by an-
, ticipatlng the interest payment on the two per
cent consols of 1930, due April 1. The comptroller
ofxthe currency went to the aid of the street by
calling for a report of the condition of national
banks at the close of business March 22. This
will result in the banks depleting their reserves
and releasing a large amouut of money now held
in .the vaults."
The National Bank c Commerce, J. P. Morgan's
bank, is one of them. Perkins Is Mr. Morgan's
, "FETCHING'! .
t-v -The "Houston Post says:- "And as for Mr.
Harrlman? Why Is Mr. Harrlman more 'unde
sirable' now than in 1004 when he was raising a
quarter of a million dollars to aid in Mr. Roose
velt's election? It was 'My Dear Mr. Harrlman'
then. He was recognized as a 'practical' man
and as such was Invited to raise a slush fund of
which Mr. Roosevelt was the beneficiary. He was
later Invited to visit Washington to discuss poli
cies before the president's message was written.
Has Mr. Harrlman changed his viewpoint since
1904 or has the president?"
The, Post certainly has a "fetching" way of
putting things. '
OOOO , .
The New York Herald does not pose as a
humorist, but it at least laid claim In that line,
'when in a recent issue it said: "Early in the fall
onebf two twin brothers living in Madison coun
ty, Kentucky, became demented and was sent to
the insane hospital. The other twin accompanied
him to the institution. Shortly after the two
brothers arrived the sheriff of Madison county re
ceived a telegram from the superintendent, say
ing: 'Two men who look'just alike are from your
county one for confinement. One Is talking of
building a railroad to the moon and the other snys
.the republican party is opposed to trusts. Which
is the crazy man?' "
The news columns of The Commoner have al
ready contained references to the president's let
ters in which he classes Harrlman and Moyer with
the undesirable citizens. The first letter was given
to the public in reply to a letter written by Mr.
Harrlman, and in making tills letter public the
president may not have intended to influence the
Moyer trial, which was soon to take place. His
object was to strike back at Harrlman and he may
not have thought of the effect of his language on
the trial court and jury. In his second letter
however, he discussed this very subject and ac
cused the friends of Moyer and Haywood of try
ing to Influence the action of the court. It is
strange that it did not occur to him that his caus
tic criticism of the accused would have far more
influence on the court and jury than any eulogies
pronounced by the friends of the accused. In a
criminal case the accused Js not only entitled to a
fair trial but he is entitled to any presumption
of innocence which may be raised by previous
g6od character as shown at the trial. It Is nofc
fair therefore for (ho president to take the stand
and testify against the character of the men on
trial where conviction involves Uio death penalty,
lie does not confront the accused In court and 'it
not subject to cross-cxnuilnntloii and his letter Is
likely to have more weight with any Roosevelt
republicans who may be accepted on the jury than
all the testimony which .the defendants can in
troduce to show a good reputation. No one should
try to exctiHo I he accused If the evidence shows
that they committed murder, and no one should
want to convict them unless the evidence does
establish their guilt. Until the evidence Is in the
public generally will withhold Judgment. If the
friends of Moynr and Haywood demand their ac
quittal regardless of the evidence they deserve
criticism; if they attempt to Influence the court
and jury they should be censured, but being pri
vate citizens tlHr offense Is not so grave as that
of the president, whose position as well as his
great Influence should restrain lilm'froni using
language, whether Intentionally or through Indis
cretion, calculated to prevent a fair trial.
IS BORAH "UNDESIRABLE?"
President Roosevelt designated Moyer and
Haywood as "undesirable citizens," although these
men are awaiting trial and such a declaration Is
calculated to prejudice their case. Now comes the
mail retained to prosecute Moyer and Haywood
and asks that die charges of fraud preferred
against him by iho grand jury lie delayed until he
can finish the trial. Is Senator Borah another
"undesirable citizen" merely because he Is charged
with a crime?
DRAKE OF IOWA
Mr. Shonts having given a scholarship or two
to Drake university of Des Moines, Iowa, the Bos
ton Globe admits that It never heard of , Drake
university. But that Is not strange. The Globe's
Ignorance of things western does not do away
with the fact that Drake university is one of the
largest denominational schools In the country, and
that It bears the name of one of the nation's most
gallant soldiers who afterwards became governor
of Iowa. Really there is quite a stretch of United
States west of Massachusetts.
ANOTHER KIND OF PREVARlpATOR
A Philadelphia shipbuilder replies to a con
gressional charge of fraud in the building of gov
ernment ships by private contract by declaring
that It Js "an infernal lie." With oven shipbuild
ers engaged In forcing men Into the Ananias club
the chances are that the organization will soon
be one of the largest In the country. "Infernal
liar" is a new addition to the list. Even the pro
verbially slow Philadelphlan seems able, now and
then, to give even the White House pointers on
President Ingalls of the "Big Four" railroad,
evidently has seen a great light. --Ho Is now giving
the' railroad managers some advice that should
have been given and heeded long years ago. In
an, address before the Pittsburg Traffic club he
said: "This is what all railroads must do sub
mit to the law." Had this been done years ago
the railroads would not now be complaining so
THE MAN LAND"
Little boy, little boy, would you go so soon w
To the land where the grown man lives?
Would you barter your toys and your airy tilings
For the things that the grown man gives?
Would you leave the haven whose doors are set
With the jewels of Love's alloy
For the land of emptiness and regret?
Would you go, little boy, little boy?
.It's a land far off, little boy, little boy,
And the way it is dark and steep; 1
And once you have passed through its doors, little
You mayn't even come back to sleep. "',
There Is no tucking In, no good night kiss,
No mornings of childhood joy.
It's passion and pain yon give for this,
Think well, little boy, little boy!
Little boy, little boy, can't you see the ghosts"
That live in the land off there;
The "broken hearts," "fair hopes," all dead;
"Lost faith" and "grim despair?"
There's a train for that land In the after years,
When old Time rushes in to destroy '
.The wall that stands 'tween the joy and the tears
-So don't go, little boy,"llttle boy!
Maynard Walte in the Metropolitan Magazine.
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