The commoner. (Lincoln, Neb.) 1901-1923, May 03, 1907, Page 7, Image 7
7 . '' u '"'' - -' ' V 1?m Ginmotier H II MR ROOSEVELT'S REPL Y TO " UNDESIRABLE CRITICS It E Ht'V -v Kr." - tffc' '; On April. 23, Mr. Roosevelt made public a iSt- 4 ter addressed to Honore Jnxon of Chicago, chap man of Hie Cook county Moyer-Hnywood confer ence. The letter was in reply to criticisms made because of Mr. lioosevelt's reference in his public -"statement .replying to E. H Harflmau to Moyer and HayVood'iis "undesirable citizens." The- lefc-. ter follows: , , "Dear Sir: I have received your letter of. the inth Inst in which you Inclose the draft of the forninl letter which 'is 'to follow, t have bqqn - notified that several delegations -bearing similar requests are on the way hither. In the letter you, On behalf of the Cookcounty . Moyer-Haywood conference," protest- against certain language I used in a receht letter which you assert to be designed to influence the course of justice in the case of the trial for murder of Messrs. Moyer a ad Haywood.. ' -.." ' - "I entirely agree with you that it is improper to endeavor to 'influence the course of justice whether by threats or in any similar manner. For, " this reason I iave regretted most deeply the ac tion ot such organizations as your own Ju-iiudcr-" taking to accomplish this very result in the very case of which you speak. , : . "For instance, your letter Is headed 'Cook Coun'ty Moyer-Haywood-Pettlbone Conference,' 'with the headlines 'Death Cannot, Will Not anil Shall Not Claim Our Brothers.' This shows that you arid your associates are not demanding a fair trial or working for a fair trial, but are announc ing in advance that the verdict shall only no one way and that you Will not tolerate any other verdict Such action is flagrant in its impro priety, and I join heartily in, condemning it. "But It Is a 'simple absurdity to suppose that because any man is on trial for a, given offense - he is therefore to be freed from all criticisms upon his general conduct and manner of life. In my letter to which; you object, I referred to a certain prominent financier, Mr. Harriinan, on the one band, and' to Messrs. Moyer, Haywood, and pebs, on '.the other, as hejng equally undesirable. "itzens. ,It Is qs foolish to assert tliafc tlUsw,a, designed, to influence the trial of Moyer;,andHay wbod asv to' assert tlmt 1'trwas de'slgned to influ- ,"cnce..the,suits.,that..l?aye been brought against Mr. Ilarriirian.'r I neither expressed nor-indicated any opinion as to whether Messrs. Moyer and Hay- ' wood were guilty of the murder, of Governor Steunenberg. If they are guilty they certainly ought to bo punished. If they are not guilty they certainly ought not to bo 'punished. "But no possible outcome, either of the trial or the suits, can affect my judgment as to the undeslrabllity of the type of citizenship of those whom I mentioned. Messrs. Mo3rcr, Haywood arid Debs stand as representatives of those men who have done as much to discredit the labor move ment as the worst speculative financiers or most unscrupulous employers of labor and debauchera "of legislatures have' done to discredit honest cap italists and fair-dealing business men. "They stand as the representatives of these men wlio, by their public utterances and manl- festos, by the utterances of the papers they con trol or inspire, and by the words and deeds of those associated with or subordinated to them, habitually appear as guilty of incitment to or apology for bloodshed and violence. "If this does not constitute undesirable citi zenship then there can never be any undesirable citizens. The men whom I denounce represent the men who have abandoned that legitimate movement for the uplifting of labor .with which I have the most hearty sympathy; they .have-adopt- ed practices which cut them off from those who lead this legitimate movement. "In every way, I shall support the law-abiding and upright representatives of labor, and In no way can I better support them than by drawing the sharpest possible line between them, on the one hand and, on the other hand, those preachers of violence who are themselves the worst foes of the honest laboring man. "Let mo repeat my deep regret that any body - of men should so far forget their duty to their country as to endeavor by the formulation of so cieties and In other ways to influence the course of justice In tills matter.. I have received many such letters as yours. Accompanying them were newspaper clippings announcing demonstrations, parades and mass meetings designed to show that the representatives of labor, . without regard to the facts, demand .thqacqutt,al of Messrs. llayr wbodt'afid'M6yeY.' Such meetings ;can, ofcpurae, be designed only to coerce court or jury in ren dering a verdict, andth.ey therefore, deserve all the' condemnation which you Jri your letters say should bd awarded to those who endeavor im properly to influence the course of justice. "You would, of course, bo entirely within 3'oiir rights it j'ou merely announced that you thought , Messrs Moyer and Haywood wore desirable ellj zens, though in Mich case I should take frank Issue with you and should say that, wholly wilhout -regard to whether or not thoy are guilty of this " crime for which they are now being tried, thuy represent atf thoroughly undesirable a type of cit izenship as can he found In this country, a type -which, hi the loiter "'to which you so unreason ably take exception, I showed not to he confined' to. any one class, but to exist among some repre sentatives of great capitalists, as well as among some representatives of wage workers. "In that letter I condemned both types. Cor- , tain representatives of the great capitalists "hi turn condemned me for Including Mr. Ilarrlmnu In my condemnation of Messrs. Moyer and Iluj' wooth Certain of the representatives of labor In their turn condemned me because I Included. Messrs. Moyer and Haywood as undesirable citi zens together with Mr. Ilarriman. "I am as profoundly Indifferent to the con demnation In one case as In the other. I chal lenge as a right the support of all good Americans, whether wage earners or capitalists, whatever their occupation or creed, or In whatever portion of the countiy they live, when I condemn both tho typos of bad cltisenBhip which I have held up to rcprObatlon. It seems to me a mark of utter in sincerity to fail thus to condemn both, and "to apologize for either robs the man thus apologizing of all right to condemn any wrongdoing In any men, rich or poor, In public or In private life, '-'You say you ask a 'square dear for Messrs. Moyer and Haywood. So do I. When I fki.v 'square deal' I mean a square deal to every one; It Is equally a violation of the policy of the square deal for a capitalist to protest against the denun ciation of a capitalist who is guilty of wrong-' d6ihg'";ahd. for a labor leader to protest against the denunciation of a labor leader who has been guilty of wrongdoing. I stand for equal justice to both and, so far as In my power lies, I shall up holdY justice whether Jiie man ndcused of guilt has behind Jiira. the wealthiest, corporations, the greatest, aggregations of riches in the country, jr whether ho bas behind him the most Influential labor organization in the country, Very truly yours, "THEODORE ROOSEVELT." WASHINGTON LETTER o Washington, D. 0., April 29. When Mr. Bryan said to the members' of the peace confer ence that lie "wanted to make money contra band of war," that he wanted "to see The Hague conference so fix It that the iinanclers of one coun try can not wax. fat over the misfortunes of an other country," he raised a ,new issue- and one- r that should fairly and rightly be considered. In ternational law now prohibits the sale from any nation of warships, of submarines, of munitions of war. And yet it does not prohibit the lending of money, the buying of bonds. If Germany and v England should blaze into war neither country could buy munitions of war in the United States, but either one could send their 'securities here and borrow money for the purpose of paying for the .war material they needed. What is the difference? If some, of our manufacturers of. submarine boats can not sell their vessels here in the United states, but our financiers, our men of means can buy the bonds of foreign countries, and the money -they contribute can be used to purchase boats of this sort, there seems to bo no distinction. Mr. Bryan's point of view seems to be well taken. If we make sliips, cannon, the -ordinary mechanism .Of-war contraband of war, why not make dollars 'contraband also? Mr. Bryan has presented a new note to. the pe'ace conference, He has suggested an entirely new idea. He had offered a sugges tion which, If carried to logical conclusion, would . do much to prevent the continuance of war. War is. fought byboys. It Is a matter of record that the soldiers who have offered themselves as food for powder are nearly all" under twenty-four years of age. It Is fought on credit, because the nation that makes war js compelled to borrow from other nations the money necessary for its enormous ex penditures. Ife.is wortl while to think whether the suggestion which Mr. Bryan has made, name- . ly that tho borrowing of money, should be as Illegal as the buying, of guns and warlike material is -not right and just and proper. I offer this merely as a suggestion, but It seems- to me that it Is worth consideration. ' " '' ' TSovr that the United States has allowed two telegraph companies, which in fact are one, to control the whole business of telegraphy ltseems fair to contrast what Is being done abroad and what Is being done here. We think that we are the most progressive people; we think, "and with some reason, that we arc using the telegraph more than any other people on earth. But within one month we have found that we are the victims of a monopoly and that this monopoly is not mere ly over-charging us for its service, but it Is killing our goose that lays for It the golden eggs. The Western Union and the JPostal Telegraph company might do much; they are doing nothing, unless they are doing us. I have at hand a consular report which shows the-, difference between the use of the, telegraph In .Great Britain and in the United States. Like all consular reports, it- Is full of figures and would be uninteresting if I detailed it here. Therefore I summarize it If' anybody cares enough about it to wish for the original, a letter to me will bring it Between . 1870 and 1000' the population of Great Britain increased 32 per cent, and the population of the United States 121 per cent In the same time the use of the telegraph in Great Britain- increased 8S8 per cent and in the United States 788 per cent. , The population of our country increased nearly fiv times as muck as that of Great Britain and the business of our telegraph companies fell short of the increase there? Why? Because under the present system of telegraphy the people are com pelled' to pay extortionate prices and to question whether their messages are ever properly de livered. Business men know that a letter isjil ways delivered to them and that a telegram Is car ried by a slovenly boy, and if the office bappens to be closed a- notice Is left Saying that the tele gram may be had at the central office of the com pany. The mail service is so much better than the telegraphic service that it has, come to be the fact that men are. sending Important matters by mall rather than by telegraph. That is what has resulted from the present' .domination of the telegraph companies. Some time the government will taka . over the telegraph system and handle Itas It does' and 'should handle the postofllce department. The vote In the Pennsylvania legislature last week rejecting by a large majority a resolution endorsing Theodore Roosevelt for a third term. Is very significant Coming as it does at a time when It Is alleged that Senator Penrose, ot conspiracy dlnmr fame, is going to declare-w'lth Senator Bourne, of Oregon, for a third term for Roosevelt, and when Senator Knox, close friend of the president, has objected to the use of his name as a presidential possibility, It points to the way " the wind blows. That the two' United States sen ators from Pennsylvania should be brought into line for Roosevelt at a time when a resolution en-' dorslng the president for a third term Is ..Intro duced "into the Pennsylvania legislature,, may be a mere coincident, but I think not Too'raany of these resolutions -have been Introduced Into-stato legislatures lately, too many men In public Ilfo have shown a disposition to call in newspaper men and dictate long interviews endorsing Roosevelt ' for a third term, to be reconciled upon any theory of mere coincidence. - Why all these gratuitous interviews? Why. all these requests from the president to numerous politicians everywhere to confer with him at the White House? Why all those resolutions endors ing Roosevelt for a third terra introduced in state legislatures throughout the land'L Why the politi cal war In Ohio? Why the wholesale discharge of ariti-Rooseyelt men from the public service? Why the wholesale use of public patronage to build UP a mighty Roosevelt machine. Why docs Knox decline to allow his name to be used? Why is. Penrose whipped Into line by a threat that Henry O. ITrick of Homestead strike and steel trust in famy, will he given a senatorial toga If he doesn't behave? WI13' is a foolish story of gigantic cor porate conspiracy against the Roosevelt policies seduously circulated from .the-Whlte House? Why are all thdse things and much more done at th: dictation of the president? For Taft? Or for Roosevelt?. WILLIS J. ABBOTT. m v M I j ti V ."I .7