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About The commoner. (Lincoln, Neb.) 1901-1923 | View Entire Issue (May 3, 1907)
-' (H T .'' ",. ,. . v-r ' -m, rjpf v jt w-i". ' J' t Commoner. lmt today It stands for positive and"progrcsslvo democracy and in 1O0S Kb platform, It candidates and lis organization will bo such as to appeal to the conscience and judgment of the rcrorm ele ment of tho country. If tlic democratic party Ignores Its greatest opporlunlty and disappoints loyal democrats the Independence League will grow rapidly, but If the democracy does what It ought to do-and Tho Commoner believes that ft will the members of Uie Independence League are likely to bo found supporting the democratic ticket just h tho members of the populist party supported the democratic ticket in 1800 and 1U00. In tho meantime democratic papers should treat Mr. Hearst and tho new party as an ally rather than as an enemy, Wo are going In tho Hiimo direction even though wo march under dlf- ferent banners, and there ought to be no quarrel bo long as we are trying to "cast out devils," nlthpugh wo Invoke the name of democracy whllo Mr. Hearst and his associates Invoke the nuuiu of tho Independence League. , ' oooo THE CONSTITUTION SUPREME ' Secretary Root and Senator Beveridge seem o agree with tho president that the constitution ' of the United States is rather an Insignificant thing when it runs up against a treaty. -Tlioy argue that a treaty Is superior to the laws and constitutions of the sovcral states, but they over look tho fact that a treaty Is unconstitutional If It violates the constitution of tho United States and an unconstitutional treaty is not binding. Tho president and the senators are sworn to support tho constitution of tho United States and If they ignore tho provisions of that constitution so much tho worse for them. Suppbse the president and -senate should join in a treaty providing that no American could avail himself of tho writ of habeas corpus if arrested on complaint of a for eigner residing in tills country, would such a pro vision bo upheld by tho courts? Suppose, then, that tho president and senate agreo to nullify tho constitutional amendment giving tho state control of their local affairs, would that bo upheld by tho courts? If our federal constitution can only' be amend ed by tho concurrence of two-thirds of both houses of congress and three-fourths of tho states, or tiy the concurrence of three-fourths of the states in an amendment submitted by a constitutional conven tion can that constitution be 'overridden by tho president? and senate wlthbut the' approval of tho popular branch of congress and without consult ing tho several states? If tho courts hold that (he constitution Is not binding on tho treatv mak ing power It will bo time for a constitutional amendment giving some constitutional strength to our constitution. ' b OOOO OF COURSE , i S11,?m, A fcrowm-'i former president of n New York insurance company, who - las boon i,? cepl li prison (fiouteuco. umvjllh.g to ao- tcnci?,,Mr'c'ora'lWS toWt a Prison son- OOOO WHERE DOES MR, TAFT STAND? secrotarys.nominatioS T The question tofinP ally arises Is: For what reform ,?" T mtm'" Taft stand? loforms does Secretary which the nrSd uSSPt r forced the president to accent? h?lQ 8nto could have secured a bettor ?;,m (1Jl President ocratic aid, but he como romi J nC?pt,n8 dom it seem a republican S earai? il S to Wf in favor"of the IPoffettniUndmS?," republicans of the senate votrli i m nt N(whiRh tue porters ronssuro t o raltollE11, Ba rounds up the roaittPWiit toaemos president he w'u.X tto'op ' ta&g" r of Interstate. commerce commissioners; will he ap point men' who AVniPHtiiiwrt wm -tii t.nii..,n',r ,,, . :7 T.r. :.. "- ""ttt miu- ji;o ui umu yvuv sympathize with tho patrons of the roads? Whore does he stand on tho trust question? is ho against tlio principle of private monopoly or does ho behove merely In trying to regulate mon opolies? Does he believe in enforcing 'the criminal law against trust magnates? And is he satisfied with the enforcement of the law against just n few 6f tho trusts? How about tho Income tax? Does ho endorse tho president's position on that question? And does ho regard swollen fortunes as a menace? Is he for arbitration of labor diflicultles? What does ho think now of government by injunction? Js ho , still an imperialist, or docs he accept the American theory that governments derive their Just powers from tho consent of tho governed? Is ho willing to take tho people into his confidence or does he expect to secure tho nomination without disclos ing his position, and then run on an amblgudus platform? Has ho faith enough in his own prm clples and in the people to make an open, honest light for definite reforms? Wiierd dops Secretary Taft stand? What does ho stand for In the way of reforms? President Roosevelt's platform said nothing about reforms In 1004 and the president himself gave no intimation of reform tendencies until after tho .election. Will Secretary Taft fot low tho president's example and fool the big cor porations or will he follow. the example of several other presidents and fool tho people? He should speak now or forever after hold his peace. OOOO TREASON The New York Tress is a republican paper, but It has already incurred the displeasure of the republican leaders, and will yet be read out of tho party unless it reforms, for this is a sample of what the Press is saying these days: "This Js not likelythat the Standard -Oil company win bo fined $30,000,000 under the conviction at Chi cago on 3,403 counts of an indictment for viola tion of the Elklns anti-rebate law. But suppose tho court does Inflict the -maximum penalty, wilY any reasoning being bolieve that the oil monopoly will bo destroyed or even seriously injured by the soutenco? John D. Rockefeller, who Says he Is' only a small-holder of Standard' stock, can give away far more than $30,000,000 a year. The Stand-' ard Oil company will continue to monopolize the oil business, and to extend its insidious influence into every form of American activity, until the members of the conspiracy in restraint of trade are branded with the mark of the criminal and put uuder lock, and key." OOOO SENATOR BEVERIDGE'S MISTAKE Senator Beveridge discussed an issue which the facts did not raise and his position w7s di rectly antagonistic to the platform upon which Abraham Lincoln was elected, for the platform declared: "Tho maintenance inviolate oT tho rights of the states, and especially the right pf each state to order and control its domS institutions according to its own judgment e" cluslvcly, is essential to that balance of power on which the perfection and endurance of our pol cal fabric depends, and we denounce the lawless invasion by armed forces of the soli of any state or territory no matter under what pretext as among the gra vest of errors." i-rf as The national bank charter to which Senator -Beveridge refers, contradicts rather than con firms his position for it was not urged by the peo ple for the purpose of restraining large moneved interests; it was, on the other hand, advocated by moneyed Interests and has ever since been de fended .by moneyed Interests. Even now the na tional bafflccrs, not satisfied with the advantage of being banks of deposit, not content even with tho profits of a bank currency based on bonds, are urging such an extension of the system as to in cludo the so-called emergency notes which are in fact a part of tho asset currency scheme, for which national bankers have been working fir veari -Most of tho illustrations given by Senator Bev eridge aro entirely outside of the discussion r will mention four of these: First, Iho law for bidding Iho sending of obscene literature through he ma lis. The mails aro under federal control. Tho. authority that is responsible for tho carrvin of the malls certainly is responsible for tho morals of the service as well as for the actual transpor tation of-tho letters and papers. The federal kov crnment could not excuse Itself if it allowed its agents to be employed in tho delivery of obscene literature. The fact that a few persons who mad? money out of the circulation of such literature it tempted to employ the state's rights argument VOLUME 7, NUMKHRHi ' ' ' " - - x " " cannot be used 'to weaken the force of to x 52 Veal && 3 was the only auUiorftTlcould ?& states were powerless to interfere with thn J?R? or with interstate commerce, Indt is not ft J to charge up the sins Of the lotterv comSnL r the arguments made by its StSJ.v- pany. l those who believe that" V hnetweTn thtte and the nation should be preserved P ' .enactment of such laws should not bo cked'a?? ti at the manufacturing interests which oppose this law are hiding behind the "reserved ririS?S the states," and while it is true tha TmLydenio crats are opposing tho senator's bill, some of S S;IC J"nce Qf manufactures employ t & "? h0r' und .somo on theoretical grounds I tiiink I can speak for a considerable element of the democratic party when I say that too sena tortbill does not in the least trespass upon stale The power of congress over interstate nnm inerce is complete. This power is not only cZ" P ete, but its exercise is necessary, too various states being impotent when it comes to JatteS of interstate commerce. I have given to Senator ' Beveridge's bill whatever support I could I? X .right in principle; it is necessy, and j? does not interfere with the reserved rights of the states. It permits each state to regulate Its own affaira but the bill recognizes the right of congress to "de termino the conditions upoS which merchandise' shall enter interstate commerce. The princlnla embodied in the senator's bill Is a most lSportant one. At this time he is applying it to goods pro duced by child labor; more than six yea?s ago X democratic platform demanded the application Df this principle to the trust question. I had this principle in mind when in my former article" said it is, not necessary to interfere with the rjghte-o? the states, in order to enact measures necVssarv for the. annihilation of the'trusts. necessary- toat;or Beveridge should be given- credit' for his championship of the cause of toe chlldrennd" I wish him every success in his effort to mcuto SMS8? f lh0, ,BoverWgo bill. I have fS glad, also to note his advocacy of several other needed reforms, and I regret that he does not rec ognize as clearly as I think he should the hnport ance of toe stato'R nniH SlZ , L-. -tern The state and toe nation are both necessary without and f toat work wlSchTnPSSS5 must do together; but the state must 'continue to be the champion of toe home, toe jschool, the com- ' Z ltya tli,e l0Cal interests which are best u- " derstood by toe people of each community and best defended by those who understand S 5-:" dltlons to he meti . OOOO HARRIiyiAN THE "UNDESIRABLE" Is there a politician in America ottior thn; . President Boosevelt, who would Svehe courage" to link together the names of Harriman, the mf ' road .king and Moyer, Haywood and D'ehs toe'' ' labor leaders as types of undesirable citizen? ' . Mr. Roosevelt has done just that, but would Sen -ator Foraker, Senator Aldrich or Senator Snoo?r '' on toe one side, and Senator LaFoUette W f - -Bryan or Mayor Tom Johnson on toe other dare to make such a comparison and risk tho mS2 -quences of offending in one sentence Te ST senatve of the most powerful aggi'egaUonP df '" ' capital, and the representatives of a g?eat section' t ' ' JournaimZed lab1' n the rTauTtreTt. & SpooeTrf inS?e tlT '" "undesirable citizen "and edenflv iSann,B ?U '' yelt would not have done it to 1004 Jl' Roos 'V accepting Harrlman's money aa toZrl Z ?'& tho Roosevelt campaign S. contributi &$ RSlteimn1Ja ! M the fact that he 2 Splan ot overlook . v, able," until after t le Harri ,nn uSJman uudGSU' publlc. auiman letter was made- a BowoSTm'nn10 TO. "JW coursgo for are behind toe bai nHiini, unon men wuo questioned, and manSe ZTaZT """ propriety, or the fairness o n,7 "If qu1estion' .. tho president pf the United inlnQattack made h -J: are ahout to ailZu111 men wh' is a suspicion abroVSt tses ffi2 . - - iw -, v ' MK.aiiV .wJfc. . fi.& Ti ij3ri Jt&JjLtT&UjAl