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About The commoner. (Lincoln, Neb.) 1901-1923 | View Entire Issue (April 19, 1907)
m m1 y "VW "Vt 1-. . - 2 The Commoner. ri I l ' N i. .: 41 I i H r . 'i , , ifii i V M. ' f.u 1 that school (linn any outside people can be. Thny liavo not only the knowledge, but. they Imvo tlio (loop porHoiml JnlorcHl. Hint compels Investigation of all tlio faetB and the study of all the conditions that arc to bo mat , Senator IJovcrldgo docs not mention either of thoso race questions, and yo(, according to the doc trine which he laid down, "tlio American peoplo themselves acting In common," could deal with tlio subject as well as Ihe American people acting Independently In the several stales. The second proposition advanced by Senator Boverldgo is that "the powerful Interests whicn exploit the people and the nation's resources con more easily handlo a smaller portion of the Amor lean people for their purposes than they can handle tho entire eighty millions of the people for their purposes." 1 referred to the trust question hi my article of last month and stated that the adop tion of effective remedies did not compel the ob literation of state lines. I pointed out that tlio federal remedies should be supplemental to tho state remedies, and not a substitute for state rem edies. It Is misleading to say, as Senator Bev crldgo says, that "every corporation so grent that Us business Is nation-wide Is championing state's rights;" that "every railroad that has felt tho reg ulating hand of Iho nation's government is earn estly jfor stnte'fTi'lghts;" that "every trust attorney is declaiming about tho dangers of centraliza tion." He should have said that the representa- tlves .of predatory wealth are advocates of stale's rights when prosecuted by tho national govern ment and advocates of centralization whenever they aro attacked by any slate. If ho will review the history of Iho last twenty-five years, ho will lind that the very corporations which he now charges with being friendly to state's rights have constantly defied the stales and sought shelter hi tho federal courts. Whenever a state has at tempted the regulation of rates, the railroads havo nt once Invoked tho power of the federal courts to enjoin and to suspend. Tlio United States courts are now tilled with suits that ought to be tried 'In the state courts, but which aro dragged into the federal courts for two reasons first, to get them so far away from the plaintiffs as to make litigation expensive, and second, to secure trial before Judges who are appointed for life by federal authorities and often upon the recoinmeu dntion of corporate .representatives. In practice, tho railroad magnato is for local self-government or for centralization, according to tho conditions which ho lias to meet. Jay Gould is quoted as liaving said that he Was a republican Jn republican counties, and a democrat In demo cratic counties, but always for IDrlo; and so it may bo said that the railroads are for state's rights wbenevor they are lighting a federal law and for centralization whenever they are llghtln" a state law, but that thoy are always, In any case! for thomsolves and for their own interests. Senator Boverldgo refers io a number of cases In which federal measures or the action of tho national executive have been criticized on tho .ground that they interfered with tlio reserved rights of tho states. But the cases cited do not support .his own position or the arguments of those who would reduce the Influence of the state to a mlu lmum. For instance, he says that the constitution for bids tlio president from sending national soldiers to a state to suppress disorder when neither thn legislature nor the governor calls for them, and assorting that neither Governor Altgeld nor the Illinois legislature had called for the troops he declares that this raised the Issue whether 'the president Iiqb the right "to send troops to a state when both the governor and the legislature were In league with the mob, and the mob was burnluir property and destroying life." This is the Issue which Senator Beverldge, according to his own statement, discussed In his Chicago speech in closing the campaign of 1800. But this was not too issue presented by President Cleveland In Ills telegram to Governor Altgeld tho nresidenr said, "Federal troops were sent to Cldcago in strict accordance with the constitution and laws of the United States, upon tho demand of the post office department that obstruction of tlio mails should be removed, and upon the representations of the Judicial officers of the United StoSS tlmt the process of tho federal courts could not be ex ecuted through the ordinary means, and upon com petent proof that conspiracies existed mrSt commerce between tho states. To meet these con ?Sn8,' wlJ clearly within the province of federal authority, the presence of federal toSnSJ ' in the city of Chicago was deemed not on?y m-oner local, authorities to 'vtf J It will bo seen that the president iiui A cuse Uls action fmthB.gamSit. ernor and tho -legislature were 4n league with" the mob," or that "Uie mob was burning property and destroying life," but on tho ground that tho malls wore obstructed, that the processes of the federal court could not be executed through tlio .ordinary means, and that conspiracies existed against in terstate commerce. The president asserted that ho acted "In strict accordance with the constitu tiou and laws of tlio United States," and ho .ex pressly disclaimed any intention of thereby "in terfering with the plain duty of the local author ities to preserve tho peace of the city." It Js a cruel libol upon Governor Altgeld to say that he was In league with the mob, and the president's statement above quoted makes no such insinua tion. The president asserted tlio jrlght to send troops when the mails were interfered with, when the processes of Ihe federal court were obstructed or in cases of conspiracies against interstate com merce, and Governor Altgeld contested his right to do this until tho state authorities had had an opportunity to act, affirming that he, the governor, was able and willing to suppress all disorder with slate troops. There iwas -no suggestion on tlio part of the federal authorities that thqy would have a right to interfere voluntarily in a local disturbance which did not involve the mails, the processes of the federal courts, interstate com merce or other federal agency. oooo WHY NOT LAFOLLETTE? The press dispatches report that the president Is quite openly supporting the candidacy of Sec retary Taft, and tills, too, on the theory that the secretary will carry out the president's reform ideas? What has Secretary Taft done to indicate thaf he is a reformer? What assurance has thepresl dent that, as president, Secretary Taft would op pose predatory wealth? If Secretary Taft is put forward as the president's representative, who will give bond that, if elected, he Will stand .up bravely against the demands of Wall street? If President Roosevelt wants to leave the executive office in tho hands of a republican reformer, why does he not throw his influence to Senator La Follette? The Wisconsin senator has a record and that record ought to appeal to the president. Sen ator LaFollette has for years fought the same crowd that tlio president -now finds conspiring against himself. This ought to touch the execu tive .heart and awaken sympathy in the executive breast. Senator LaFollette is a reformer "from away back;" he is all wool and more than a yard wide, so to speak. When republican reform was, as it were, "without form and void," LaFollette appeared upon tho scene and by the force of his own indomitable courage he has stayed on the scene. The national convention of 1904 which nominated the president threw him out, but like Mary's little lamb he "waited patiently about" and When election time came he was elected gov ernor nnd then senator. -He has fought for reform and ho has fought the republicans who opposed reform. He is in favor of railroad regulation and urges a measure empowering the interstate commerce commission to ascertain the value of the railroads. If the pres ident will ask the railroad exploiter and the trust magnates he will find that they know LaFollette and fear him because he says what he thinks and means what he says. If the president wants a republican who is really a reformer he will find it difficult to explnin why 'he passes by LaFollette and selects Taft. OOOO THAT FIVE MILLION FUND So the president has discovered the existence of a "Five Million Dollar Fund" raised to prevent the carrying out of his Ideas! Good for the presi dent! But what ideas of his have so aroused Wall street? His ship subsidy idea? -No, Wall street does not object to that. His asset currency idea? No, Wall street does not object to that. His big navy idea? No, Wall street does not object to that. His idea of enlarging the powers of the federal government at the expense of the states'' No, that is just what Wall street wants. What ideas, then, is Wall street preparing to fight? Regulation of the railroads, prosecution of trusts and the income tax. And where did the president get these ideas? From the democratic platform. Wall street also objects to the Inherit ance tax and this was not taken from the demo cratic platform although in harmony with it.' But why is the president surprised that Will street conspires to defeat these ideas? Did Vint L1" consPirG to defeat these same iaen in 1896 and 1900? Did not Wall streeSntr bute more money then to defeat these same Sa? , it is preparing to contribute now? The raSiSS took part 4n both of those campaigns and he w on the Wall street sidel Did lie umtetand Z VOLUME 7, NUMBER 14 nature of those contents and did ho know that Wall street was then contributing more than fivo millions to defeat those same Ideas? The answer must be no, for had he known then what he knows now how could .he have joined in the conspiracy? Evidently, he-has been studying, 'and now that he understands thejrreconcilable contest between predatory wealth and the common people, will be forget it? Suppose Wall street controls -the ropub llcan convention and nominates a candidate satis factory to Wall street, will .his admSstration support the Wall street candidate? The president rry 'V,tterto denunciation of democrat in 1890 and 1900; will he feel more'kindlyXrd mnJnT'l H What 0b made their fight for the people? - Let us hope so And the republicans who are Indignant at Wall' street's opposition to the president, will they oe more tolerant toward democratic reformers? w.,nS ? aiscoriefy of tue "Five -Million Dollar Fund" does 'nothing else it ,ought to make U 0 president and other republican reformers sympa thize with the democrats who have been fighting thejorrupting influence which Wall street has ex" erted on American politics through" Its control of the republican party. Surely the stars are fight ing with us When each new disclosure .strengthens nrLi iemrr?t!c Psilion' ad when a republican president g ves continued vindication to demo cratic principles. OOOO THE "CONSERVATIVE" SOUTH ,llnJ5,e corporation papers which are shouting S,hiiSfi0Uth,,tthe home of conservatism should publish the platform adopted by the democratic convention of Georgia on September 4 last The attention of these papers is called especially to the following attracts: wuy lo "The great transportation companies have 'is sued millions of dollars of stocks and bonds, In fwSSof ,ie01"P Pt into 'their properties, and SS?Mta?lns ?e ludustries of the peope to pay dividends on fictitious securities " urtniS? ra?Canm?erve two masts "with equal fidel ty to both. Those men who elect to represent special interests and owe their first fealty' to them, do not deserve, and ought not to hold, partV. positions of dignity, influence and power" T ; -The party machinery and the -governments j state and national, should ibe completely miifeed A of nsuch men. In our own state, by tlio over--whelming verdict of the people, it has become the settled policy of the democratic party that repre sentatives of special interests will not be per mitted to hold positions of confidence and power in the counsels of tho party. We earnestly com mend tliis example to the democracy of the un-- tfon and to our democratic brethren in everv state." - "We denounce in unqualified terms the .use 0? money, liquor, fvee passes, telegraph, telephone and express franks and all other inmproper moans commonly called courtesies, by either individuals or corporations, for the purpose of influencing or" buying votes, or iu any way corrupting the ouritv of our elections!" ., "We demand the enactment of laws prohibit ing the .giving or acceptance of free passesof every character, and free service of every kind by .the transportation and public service corpora tions of this state, except to employes of such corporations and members of their families " "We denounce as a crime against the public welfare, 'the practice of the corporations of -the country in making contributions .to cainbaiirri funds, and we demand the enactment of laws to prohibit and malce criminal all such acts and to provide -suitable penalties for violation' of the same." "We denounce the crime of lobbying as one of the greatest offenses against the public welfare." We demand of the next general assembly Ihe passage of a law clearly defining this offense 11111 prohibiting any employed agents or asitom addressing or speaking to members of the .cen- oral assembly in regard to anticipated or pending -legislation, except before the propor committer' of said body in legular session." cmmittees "We condemn the system by which tho event railroad corporations of the country have' boon permitted to issue fabulous amounts of fictitious or watered stocks and -bonds, many times in excess of the value -of the property upon which they are based. We look upon this great evil as the inary cause of excessive freight rates" me11' "We favor rigid government regulation of Hi issuance of stocks and bonds and other secSriS by all public service corporations, so that "n fur turo ihe total amount of such securities shall bear a just relation to the money actually invested in the property of such corporations- lmesteat "The constitution of Georgia imnoaPR imnn i, J general assembly the duty of pasTng Taws f rom ' time to time, to prohibit the variousVa toads ?S