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The Commoner.
VOLUME 7, NUMBER U
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Vrwitii1nta nf Mini rnpo Ilvlncr In Hlin HTftnClfll'O.
Upon no subject will the people of u state insist
more strenuously In controlling tliclr own affairs
limn In matters of education. The school room 1h
in close and pouhUiiiL contact with the home, and
the n:ircnlH. having a vital Interest In the Instru-1-
1 lion of their childicn and an Intimate acquaintance
with local conditions, would not and should hot
consent to national control or supervision. No
construction of the constitution could bring state
schools within the scope of federal legislation, and
no amendment contemplating such a change
would commend itself to any section of the
country.
The third and most attractive proposition look
ing to an enlargement of the powers of the gen
oral government is that involved In anti-trust leg
islation. There Is a real evil to be corrected, and
n real public sentiment to be satisfied. A consti
tutional amendment was proposed a few years
ago specillcally authorizing congress to deal sum
marily with the subject. It was opposed by demo
crats on the ground that it did not protect the
rights of the slates. While such an amendment,
properly drawn, conferring plenary power upon
congress, but reserving to the several stiites the
powers which they now have, would be unob
jectionable, It has not yet been shown to be neces
sary. Congress has power to control Interstate
commerce, and the decision of the supreme court
In the lottery ease leaves little doubt Unit that
power can be so exercised as to withdraw the in
terstate railroads and telegraph lines and the
malls from corporations which control enough of
the product of any article to give them a virtual
monopoly. No assault upon the authority or con
1 traction of the sphere of the state can be justified
on the ground that It Is necessary for the over
throw of monopolies. Federal remedies should
supplement state remedies; they should not be sub
stituted for state remedies.
Two constitutional amendments have been
shown to be necessary: one relating to the method
of electing United States senators, and the other
to the income tax. The first amendment is re
quired to malce the senator the servant of the
people whom he represents; the second is neces
sary to permit an equitable distribution of the
burdens of the federal government; but neither
of these amendments would disturb In the least
the balance between.tho general and the state .gov
ernment. So delicately was this balance adjusted
in the beginning that the dual forin, of, government
designed by the fathers adjusts Itself ever more
perfectly to conditions as our nation develops.
oooo
THOMAS BAILEY A.LDRICH
Thomas Balby Aldrlch, poet and novelist, died
fit his homo In Boston on March JO. The an
nouncement of his death will be received with re
grot In" literary circles, but It is doubtful If his
slitcerest mourners will be found among men of
letters. Men not yet middle-aged professional
men, business men, fanners and mechanics will
mourn the demise of "Tom Bailey," for the news
of Mr. Aldrlch's death will bring to mind the
"Story of a Had Boy" that gave them so much
"" pleasure In their youthful days. The "Torn Bai
ley" of that splendid story for boys was Thomas
Bailey Aldrlch himself. Ills slncercst mourners
will be the boys who will never forget the snow
light on Slater's hill, the bursting of the old 1812
cannon, the initiatory services of the "Centipedes,"
the cruise of the Dolphin or old "Sailor Ben."
Mr. Aldrlch wrote things much more literary than
"The Story of a Bad Boy," but nothing that ap
pealed more to the boy-heart of the nation, which
is, after all, the man-heart of the nation. The
boys of the last generation and of this, will recall
old Itlvermouth as the days go by, and whenever
Portsmouth, the place where the Russo-Japanese
peace treaty was signed, is mentioned, a million
boys and men will recall that the Portsmouth of
history is the Ulvormouth of "The Story of a Bad
Boy," who, after all, was not so bad just a bov.
OOOO
RUSSIAN REFORM
It is good news that comes from Russia. The
Cssar, through Premier Stolypin, informs the Duma
that. he will propose measures guaranteeing free
dom of speech, freedom of the press, freedom of
conscience; habeas corpus, abolition of administra
tive exile and popular education.
"Our country," lie "says, "must bo transformed
into a constitutional state. Real measures must
be adopted to deline and determine the rights of
the state and of private individuals, and to abol
ish the contradictions between the old and new
laws and the arbitrary interpretations placed
upon them by private persons as well as by of
ficials. The government, therefore, has decided
that it is necessary to submit a series of bills os-
. tabUshlug the uew regime in Russia."
The Minister of Justice is to propose bills "pat
terned on the procedure of civil and criminal law
in other European states, and the government
promises to insure full liberty of action both to
employers and their workmen, Including freedom
in matters of economic strikes." The government
also plans workmen's Insurance and medical relief
and measures prohibiting night and underground
work for women and children, as well as shorter
hours. Surely a brighter day is dawning for Rus
sia and her well-wishers will rejoice that these
great reforms arc coming without revolution. It
will take time to transplant in Unit country tho
constitutional liberty so long enjoyed throughout
Europe, but people are apt to be patient when they
are assured of ultimate relief. Reforms have
been delayed so long Unit some may doubt the
Czar's good intentions, but distrust will give
place to confidence if the promised measures are
presented. With freedom to speak and write the
reformers can hope to remove abuses, and with
freedom of conscience and universal education
Russia will take her place among the great na
tions of the world. Here's to "the bear that walks
like a man."
OOOO
REAL INFIDELITY
The Chicago Inter-Ocean in an editorial en
dorsing Germany's refusal to consent to a limita
tion of armaments and characterizing as "hypo
critical humanitarlanism" England's offer to join
in the discouragement of larger navies says:
Peace in the world is secured by predomi
nant force,- and a geutlemen's agreement
among nations has no guaranty except mutual
respect for one another's force. There was
once a "pax Romanus" and there has been
talk of a "pax Britannica;" but such a uni
versal peace is kept by the sword, not by '
Hague agreements, just as international re
spect for our Monroe doctrine is secured not
by tho voluntary consent of nations, but hy
fear of the power of these United States.
This is infidelity to the fundamental principle
upon which our civilization rests. It overlooks
tho influence of Christianity, the power of truth
and the strength of the sense of justice which is
to bo found in every human heart. The Infor
Ocean would seem to build upon tho basis of
brute strength, but it is probably not so degraded
as Its argument would Indicate. More likely it
is deluded by the builders of war ships who
play one nation against another for the money
to bo made in the sale of ships. There is no end
to such a rivalry but the bankruptcy of the rivals.
Even our nation has been caught by tho argument
that peace can bo promoted by cultivating a spirit
ol war, but In time a wise counsel will prevail.
OOOO
A JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY
The first number of tho first volume of th
Journal of American History has been received at
Tho Commoner office and is a most creditable and
ambitious publication.
Four numbers are Issued each year at a sub
scription price of two dollars. It is published by
the Associated Publishers of American Records,
New Haven, Conn. Its purpose Is to present life
stories of men and events that have entered into
tho building of the western continent.
The first number contains colored prints of tho
various flags that have floated over the United
States from its discovery until the adoption of
the stars and stripes.- If the inaugural number
can be accepted as an index of what may be ex
pected, it will set a high standard of literary, his
torical and artistic excellence.
OOOO
OUR SHIPPING LAWS
Something like a hundred years ago we enacted
a law to the effect that no foreign-built or foreign
owned boat should bo allowed to engage In coast
wlso trade with United States ports. That law
is still on the statute books. It was enacted to
"build up our shipping industry." About a third
of a century ago we enacted a law prohibiting the
importation of lumber from a foreign country tin
less under heavy penalty in the shape of a tariff
tax. That was to "protect our lumber industry."
The other day a British freighter sailed from
Vancouver, British Columbia, for Fort Markes,
Mexico, with a cargo of four million feet of lum
ber. That lumber will be freighted 1,500 miles
and sold to the Mexicans at less than one-half the
price demanded by the lumber barons of the
United States from the homebuilders of the coun
try. The tariff on lumber has denuded our for
ests, enabled men to accumulate riches without
making adequate return in services rendered, and
doubled within the last ten years the price the
American workingraan has to pay if he builds a
modest cottage to cover himself and family.
That antiquated shipping law has loft us with
a lot of wooden freighters in our coastwise trade
while other nations have built steel freighters that
can bo made serviceable in time of war.-
,An American vessel engaged in the coastwiso
trade cannot haul lumber from Canada to the
United States profitably because the tariff tax
would prevent the sale of tho lumber. If (hat ves
sel should meet with a storm and be forced to
make repairs in a Canadian port, before it could
land again at an American dock its owners would
have to pay a duty of 50 per cent of the amount
paid for repairs in tho foreign port.
Under our navigation laws a ship cannot carry
tho American flag unless built in the United
States, then we turn around and put on a tariff
that adds 50 per cent to the qost of the ship if
built in an American shipyard and registered to
enable it to carry the flag of the republic.
Yet, despite these absurd laws there are people
who mourn the decadence of American shippiuij
and ship building and insist that the only remedy '
is a subsidy. ,
OOOO-
WHAT THEY WANT
The Chicago Tribune, after printing interviews
with the presidents of eleven railroads, sum
marizes what these railroad magnates want ag
follows:
"Repeal of the Sherman anti-trust law, so
far as it applies to railroads and forbids com
binations, which are as much in the interests
of the general public as of any individuals;
national regulation, removing railroads from
state control so far as necessary for protection
against vicious and unintelligent legislation;
a recognition of tho fact that prosperity of the
railroads is necessary for the extensions which
the growth of the country makes indispensa
ble; a spirit of fair play, a better understand
ing, and a pull all together for a greater and
more prosperous country."
The first demand means that the railroads bo
given to right to pool. It will be remembered that
in his message to congress Mr. Roosevelt recom
mended that the railroads be given this right .
Upon that point, then, the railroads and Mr. Roose
velt were at agreement. But at the time the rate
regulation bill was passed the railroads bitterly
fought federal regulation. There the railroads and
Mr. Roosevelt were not at agreement. Now, how
ever, the railroads and Mr. Roosevelt agree, first
upon the pooling proposition, and second, upon
the plan to lodge all control over the railroads in
the federal gdvcrninent.' Upon one point at least
the railroad magnates have changed, front. Where
but a year ago they wore bitterly opposed to fed
eral regulation they are now enthusiastically in
favor of federal regulation.
One need not look far for an explanation. The
power of the state government iu tho protection
of the public interests has recently been demon
strated. It is not "vicious and unintelligent leg
islation" which the railroad magnates fear on the
part of state governments. They fear legislation
that results in practical benefits to the people.
They fear laws which require from the railroad
magnate justice to his patrons. So far as con
cerns other portions of the Tribune's statement,
they are balderdash. Of course every one recog
nizes that the railroad ought to be prosperous and
the men who insist upon railroad regulation be
lieve in "a spirit of fair play, a better under
standing, and a pull all together for a greater and
more prosperous country."
The Harrimans, however, do not believe in the
spirit of fair play. They do not want the people
to have any understanding of the railroad specu
lator's method. And instead of "a pull all to
gether for a greater and more prosperous country" '
they want the puhlic to be the servant rather than
the master of the corporation, and they want the
men and women of America, for whose use and
benefit the corporation was created and for whose
use and benefit the public highways were loaned
for a time to the corporations' agents to "pull all
together" for the benefit of the Harrimans of to
day and tho creation of a greater and greedier
Harriman iu tho days to come.
OOOO
MR. ROOSEVELT
It is good politics as well as patriotism to en
dorse the president when he does right Demo
crats cannot know what Mr. Roosevelt's attitude
will be in the com tag campaign, but they do know'
. that he cannot take back the things he has said
in favor of democratic ideas.
OOOO
NOT CONTAGIOUS .
The president has a cabinet are none of Its
members big enough to be president? Haven't
they been exposed to reform all this time? Why
haven't they caught it? Why is it that the presi
dent a one has escaped the paralysis that has
fallen upon all the rest? There Is only one explan
ation, and that is his popularity is due to StefS
lowing tho democratic doctrine.
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