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wheal. Ho said Unit Home came from the hill and
Homo along the river route but that when Ihoy
reached Die mill, the miller did not ask them which
road I hey oa mo by but whether the wheat Svns
good. I "have Ihonglil of tills Htory a good nmny
times, and II ol'len applies to politics. When I
first wenl to Washington as a congressman I had
an idea Unit all virlue was lo be found In the dem
ocratic parly and Hint all vice was to be found in
the republican parly; bul afler 1 had been in con
gress awhile, I found Unit there were some bad
democrats and (lint there were many good repub
licans, and this n.nde me a little more charitable
In my opinions. When 1 became a candidate for
Iho presidency some of the democrats left me and
Home of the republicans came to my support, and
after careful "onsideration I made up my mind
Unit I would rather look a republican in the face
than a democrat in the buck.
Among members of parties you will find the
Biune distinctions Unit are to be found between
parlies. In every country where there Is a free
expression of public opinion one party will be
found going toward the people and the other either
going away J'rom the people or obstructing the
progress toward reform. These distinctions,
though not so aggravated, are to be found within
the different parties. In every party you will tlnd
some more advanced than others who are con
sidering remedial legislation. The two great
parlies of this country are the republican party
Avhloh Is in power in the nation and the democratic
party, which by all considerations ought to' be in
power. One of these parties must necessarily be
nearer to the people than the other, but you will
also liud among the republicans reformers and
conservatives; and in the democratic parly there
are radical democrats and democrats not so radi
cal, so that It is sometimes dilllcult to draw the
line between the conservative democrat and the
radical republican.
When 1 was in Japan 1 found that they had
what they called Korean lions before the doors of
the temple, one on each side. These Korean lions
nre rather interesting animals; they do not Ixik
ferocious like the Nuniidian Hon but are rather
comical in appearance. What struck me, however.
Is that one of these lions has his inoulli open while
the other has his mouth shut. We are told that
they represented an idea the eternal contlict be
tween the positive and the negative. One says
Yes t lie other says No, and progress lies between
the two.
The reformer asserts something and the timid
man says "No, it is not wise." Or lie may slrfiply
say "I am not convinced. I am not sure." it is
necessary to have both of those elements in so
ciety, if It were not for the conservative the rad
ical would go too fast, and If it were not for the
radical, the conservative would not go at all. So,
when I speak lo a body like this even though all
belong to an opposing party, I know that there
will be differences of opinion among them. In
this country we could by unanimous consent dis
solve all parties and create one great party, to
ho known as the republican party or the demo
cratic party, or by any other name, but it would
last just one day. The next day there would be
two parties organized within this one party and
they would represent the radical and the conserva
tive elements. This is not only necessary but it
Is for the best.
I desire to present some thoughts to you, and
I do not know how I can better show my appre
ciation of the courtesy extended to tne'bv you
as members of this legislative body and by nis
Excellency, the Governor than by presenting some
things which 1 believe to he worthy the considera
tion of law-makers and of citizens. I do not draw
a very great distinction between the law-maker
and the citizen, for the citizen of today Is the law
maker of tomorrow; and every citizen ought to be
sufficiently Informed upon public questions to bo
able to respond at any uine to the call of his as
sociates and become a law-maker. However be
fore entering upon this subject 1 desire tos'v a
word about your approaching exposition. I hope
to attend It In 1000. You have made such wonder
iul progress since I was litre nearly seven ve-irs
ago that 1 am anxious to come when 1 can soo
your progress represented in a great exnositlmi
1 am a believer in the exposition. It Is entlrelv n
ueoord with my idea of economy and lie exnend
STnS fi T-lwwvm taffies
, o wi wuiiiiiriiuons lor the ad of nH
The Commoner.
city of Washington and see the workings of the
government, but If you have an exposition hero,
the government can have an exhibit and thus
bring its work before many times as many citi
zens as can get a glimpse of what is being done
in Washington. Wherever there is a local interest
sullicient to organize an exposition, the govern
ment should make an exhibit. It rs bringing the
government to the people because the people can
not go to the government. Then, too, expositions
enable us lo exchange opinions; Uio more wo min
gle together, the bettor we understand each other
and the less danger there is of disagreements. The
East and the West should fraternize with each
other more; the people of the North and the South
should become better acquainted.
An exposition lias another advantage. It low
ers rates; if you cannot get lower rates in any
other way, you are sure to get them through an
exposition.
lint to my subject. There are three mailers
which I desire o present to you briefly. One is
the position of I lie representative; there are two
theories which pievail among us, and they are to
be found wherever representative government ex
ists. One is that the representative is elected to
think for the people; the other is that the people
think for themselves and elect representatives to
act for them. The difference between those theo
ries is clearly marked Although it may not be
easy lo separate those who follow one theory from
those who believe in the other. Every representa
tive, however, leans in opinion toward one theory
or the other, and it makes a great deal of differ
ence which way he leans. I am a believer in
the second theory, namely that the people think
for themselves and elect representatives not to
think for them hut to act for them. This theory
is consistent with our ideas of government, and
1 will give you two or three reasons which lead
me to believe that it is generally accepted among
the people. In the first place we have the consti
tution. By whom is the constitution adopted? Bv
the people. And what does the constitution do?
It regulates the legislative body, directs, limits
and controls, and why? Because there is more
virtue in the people than finds expression through
their represenlathes. In our organic law the peo
ple seek lo put a grip upon the representatives,
they hedge them about to prevent misrepresenta
tion. Tills is proof that the representative is ex
pected to represent.
Another proof! is found in the fact that we have
platforms. When we go into a campaign Ave-present
candidates who are pledged lo certain plat
forms. Now. why is a platform adopted? Surely
thai the people may know what Hie representa
tive will do if elected. And this information is
given to the people-in order that Uioy may decide
which candidate to support. If we accepted the
doctrine that the reiYresentativc should think for
ihe people, we would not hamper him or direct
him with the platform. When wo adopt a plat
form we indicate that we believe that the repre
sentative is bound by the will of the people In
other words, the adoption of a platform establishes
the fact that ffie representative is the Servant and
not the master of the people.
The faults of our government are not in the
people themselves but in the representatives of
the people; and it is not because the represent i-
ives lack intelligence, for I am not llatteSng thfs
legislative body when I say that all over 1 1 u
union the members of the legislature are not Gc-
ow the average of the people in intelligence I
SSif m n 8,,y w Ulout exaseration that tie rep
resentatives are above the average in mtouL
Their faults, I repeat, do not come fonfS!1
intelligence but from the fact that thov in,, ?L
yield to the temptation to tn t d ZnTS;
above the interests of the people whon hey serve'
This is the weakness of legislative hniiL i
therefore it is always necessiirv flinMim ! eS' a,Ul
tntive- should reniei nbe r tlmt fe "- J Pl'T ""
the people; that they n nv sue 1- ?J ? nt oC
luivo- their wlsnes respected thl011gU mm aud
We have for a great many years had thn oi
ograph system. A man can stand n !, u?JCh
ment here and talk to a mati n L" f;1!";
by means of a wire stretched JII S 7 y
instruments. In legislative i bodies w 1!' tW0
times seen the nrlnHnin J )0 !S lmvc s?w-
trated. The man in the loclsl turn fU,U ,,,us"
of the wire and some infh en i V ,lt ono 01Hl
the other end. Si, ?1 K ?" 1l! .corporation at
;ate enterprises, but 1 am In favor of a plrtn !!10 olher omL he m the e"is toiSZXT at
ions for educational work and for ov,,.l V, tImos not n'oe to do his ow win w is 0me"
tions
I
the
inai me fedora government siimTiVi i '. ,,um-"v
Iubit wherever tliero I T, ex os io 'n,U 0X'
thousand of your poindation "could 3& the
the wire.
More recent lv wn ii,i-, i ...
less system of telegraphy nd It p.? l ,0 AVir'
wo ought to have in lie legis at In itm S wlmt
loss system there is L " l le wlrtJ-
but the message is transml L
There are two instruments ntni noVi ?1 K" ,tho uir
and the message sent bv one is i i, J1?1 oUlw
It would be a great UnprSvet font i?U by the otllGl'--tltulo
the wireless mZZSZo
' v .VOLUME 7, NUMBER 7
have had, and have the. legislator so atluimd tA
the people as to be able to catch the message fro
them and be a real representative of his ,.n
stitucnts. ou
This then, in the conception of a legislator'
duties, manifests itself in various changes smr
gesled in the methods of government. If von o
lieve in a theory you naturally endeavor to m Xk
everything conform to that theory. Consist. -nov
is a powerful thing and has a great influence upon
the human mind. Show mo-a. man who really be
lieves in a principle, and I will show you a'm-in
who will endeavor to apply that principle to every
subject to which it can be applied. For instance
if a man believes in the doctrine that it is wrnn.J
to steal, ho not only applies it to chickens and to
horses and to money, but he applies it to everv
other kind of property; if the man really bolieus
in the doctrine that it is wrong to steal, he applies
the principle so as to include grand larceny ns
well as petty larceny.
I fear that the commandment has sometimes
been amended so as to make It read "Thou slmit
not steal on a small scale.". If the scale is lovge
enough, it is a different matter. I am not violat
ing any confidence when 1 tell you that it is safer
to steal a million dollars than it is to steal a
hundred. If a man steals a small amount, he is
just a common, ordinary thief and no one has any
respect for him, but a man who steals a million
dollars displays so much genius that he excites
admiration; his cunning and his talents are so
much admired that his crime is sometimes over
looked. If we believe that the representative is really
the servant of the people and bound to carry out
the will of the people, we will try' to make the
machinery of government conform tp this prim
pie. There is one reform of this kind in whu !i
I have been interested for years, but it has n.nv
become so popular that I can mention it with'-nt
seeming radical. It is the election of United Slat '
senators by direct vote of the people. When I
first entered congress that question had never been
acted upon. Forty years ago Andrew Johnson r- -ommended
the change in a message to congress.
Back in the early SO's Gen. Weaver, then a mem
ber of congress from Iowa, introduced a resolu
tion submitting the necessary amendment. About
1802 such a resolution passed' the House' of Rep
resentatives for the first time,, tflie 'net congress
did the same thing4, and 'then two 'congresses ad
journed without action, but the Sentiment gr'-.v
until finAlly a third, a fourth and aUif th -House of
Representatives submitted the resolutions twice
the House was democratic and three times it was
republican. If any republican, however, boasts
that his party has. the advantage in the number
of times that the resolution has passed the House,
let me say that while three republican congresses
have acted favorably, they acted after the two
democratic congresses had acted. I cannot, how
ever, claim originality for the democrats because
the populists advocated this reform before the
democrats did. A large majority of the people of
both parties are in favor of this reform, and some
thing like two thirds of the states haveMndorsed it.
Why? Because among the masses theue is a deep
seated belief that the representative ought to be
the servant of the people, aud many of the mem
bers of the United States senate do not now rec
ognize their duty to the people.
There is another reform which has for its ob
ject the bringing of the government nearer to
the people. It ts what is known' as the initiative
and referendum. I do not know how much you
have discussed the matter out here. Ten years
ago we embodied in our state platform a plank
demanding the initiative and referendum. -An op
position paper tried to make fun of us; it said that
when the plank was read at the convention the
democrats looked at each other in surprise. Ac
cording to this paper one democrat said "What is
that?" The other replied, "Oh, Unit is a new
kind of democratic drink," and then it was
adopted unanimously. Now this is the account
given by an unfriendly paper but the doctrine is
better understood today. The theory underlying
the initiative nnd referendum is that the people
have a right to uile, and this reform is proposed
to correct the evils which have grown up in rep
resentative government, it is not used except
whore it is needed. If the representative body
i10?8,11111' lt wln 110t b0 callGl into use at all,
but if the legislature refuses to act upon some
question upon which Uio people desire to act, they
can bring that question before the voters by the
initiative; if Ihe legislature enacts a bad law the
people can veto it through the referendum. The
initiative and relorondum are consistent with our
theory of government, because if the people want
?w Vi?1 y 1 ave,a l,,sht t0 uavc u- " y sny
S!!!W,?II1,mnke mistakes, I admit that
n Y l',l)Ut "Unorlty will make mistakes as
SSL ? la1oiqty' ftlld tllerG one important
SlvSl?0 1?,etwe1en their mistakes. The majority
noer intentionally make a mistake, and when they
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