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JANUARY 4; 1907 ;
C
PROM THE PEOPLE
C. A. Wickless, Frederick, Md. I am proud
to say that I have been a Commoner reader
since its first issue and have supported its noble
principles In everjr, available way. I shall con
tinue to do so in deeds as well atf in words and
am confident that in a little time will be brought
about the awakening that we have long hoped
for. I have always been a steadfast supporter
of Mr. Bryan's principles as set forth in the
Chicago platform and in the Kansas City plat
form and am only too glad to lend that same sup
port to the principles he declared for in Madi
son Square Garden. We are not alone in this
effort by any means, as republicans as well as
democrats are with -us on ' these issues. Gov
ernment ownership of railroads may seem to.be
a great proposition to some people, just as wo
expect. Government ownership of coal mines
would stun some of them harder yet. But would
it not be better for the masses than to have a
few barons decide if we shall or shall not have
coal at a fair price? We need not go far back
to recall the extreme conditions brought about
by the strike at the coal mines and the effect
it had on business everywhere. These things
are all so true that no wonder they bring about
this great howl from the defenders of the na
tional honor who did the people so much service
in 1896 and 1900. We American citizens would
hardly care to have their invaluable services
thrust upon us again. It is the same story all
along the line as regards the working people.
They afie -obliged to work a long day at a low
wage and to pay it back with good interest for
the needs of life. Where does the interest money
come from? And why all this? Just because
it is lawful for conspiring corporations to con
trol the different products of trade and to set the
price at any figure they may choose. Of course
we must have these necessaries of life and must
pay the price if we have it. Where there is no
competition there should be public ownership,
be- it railroads,- coal mines or any other thing
that' concerns the general interests of the
people.- This seems to be the only remedy for
this growing evil. A few pilfering villians under
the -cloak of existing laws and special favors can
amass millions of dollars which belong to the
laboring classes, who alone produce that wealth.
American citizens, let us put a stop to it. It is
for us to decide. We have the ballot.
Lloyd T. Everett, Washington, D. C -In the
course of the article, "A Word of Encouragement,"
in yowvissue of December 14, The Commoner
say's: "The democratic party declared for the
principle (of an income tax) in 1896, and the
democratic, candidate advocated it in 1900 and the
party was defeated both times." Is the latter
part of this statement made advisedly? Is it
certain that a free vote and a fair count in 1896
would have placed the republican party in power?
For a long time I, for one, have doubted it, and
as time goes on and new facts come to light, this
doubt grows. A short while after that election
a former democrat, who had voted the Palmer
and Buckner ticket, made the remark to me that
there was no doubt of the actual election of Mr.
Bryan. Of like opinion are other and more promi
nent observers of American political affairs, as
witness the quotations made in the following let
ter of mine which appeared in the Baltimore Sun
of August 21, -last:
"Messrs Editors: In the very interesting
letter of William I. Cook in your, issue of the
18th inst, 'The Coming of Mr. Bryan,' is found
this statement: "The odds against Bryan (in
1896) were most formidable, and it was hardly a
surprise that he went down in defeat." The odds
against us were Indeed great odds of power, of
patronage, of money, of a biased if not subsidized
metropolitan press, of intimidation; but are we so
sure that Bryan went down in actual bona fide
defeat? Says Alfred Henry Lewis (not particu
larly a Bryan partisan), in Human Life of last
January: 'In 1884 the election was stolen from
Mr. Blaine, just as in 1896 the election was stolen
from Mr. Bryan; only the latter larceny was ex
tended over the states of Iowa, Illinois, Indiana,
Ohio, Kentucky and West Virginia. You
The Commoner. -'
stolen fnM??' vN ? tho Prcslncy was
Thiv i ?,! You 8hou,d rejul thc figures,
d ? vo I 7" 8fflco to prove the case. What
mvwS I7 ,Ui returns ,n that clpctlon om
S 000 mn Ue 8t,at0 2f 01lIo? Mr' Bryan received
ft0!0 n,0ro votes th largest Ohio vote
being the vote cast for Mr. Bushnell a year prior
TnL??0! 5 any man And yeL his opponent
out-topped it by, roundly, 50,000. The aggregate
Buckeye vote mounted by tho hundreds of thou
stands above any previous vote. It was larger
man has been any subsequent vote. It ran tho
voting percentage of tho state up to ono in every
three and three-fourths of population a popula
tion streaked by a foreign-born element of 27
per cent of tho whole. Ohio's voting strength
was Hot, never was and isn't now an honest ono
In six of the population. Frauds in registration and
at the ballot box defeated Mr. Bryan in 1896.' Of
like tenor is an editorial in Collier's Weekly of
June 9, in part as follows: llis (Bryan's) do
feats in his campaigns, and especially in tho
buncoed convention of 1901, have left him strong
er with the middle western voters, who have al
ways been tho basis of his strength. Feeling that
he has never had a fair opportunity, that he had
more votes than McKinley in ono election,' etc.
And we are all familiar with tho statement of
Thomas Lawson, a republican, that it was Mark
Hanna's hurry-up call for ?5,000,000 corruption
money near the end of the campaign of 1896 that
overturned the popular will in five pivotal states.
In the true sense of the term, was Bryan defeated
in 1896? Or was the" story of 1876 repeated, with
variations?"
As opportunity offers, I am gathering data on
this matter, with a view to possible future use.
Any information bearing on same which Com
moner readers may "be able to furnish me, either
as regards that election in general, or pertaining
to their own particular locality, will be much
appreciated.
O. H. Schreiner, 51 Cambridge Place, Brook
lyn, N. Y.-I noticed the publication in your Issuo
of July 27 of the greater portion of my article on
the wrongful use of "National Bank Reserves,"
and I herewith enclose a copy, asking you to noto
figures of late reports on pages 5 and 6, show
ing increased depletion of the reserves. I am
a native citizen in my 75th year. Was many
years bank cashier and president in New York
City. Being practically cognizant of the great
wrong, I have during many years endeavored to
impress national legislators and officials, Including
the president, with its enormity in the hope of
correction. There seems, however, no hope under
existing political control. Republicans are indis
posed to retard or checks the Wall Street "pros
perity" which results from this unnatural advan
tage. The greatest beneficiaries thereby aro
mainly beneficiaries of the high protective tariff.
The two great wrongs work together and aro
complementary of each other. It would havo
been quite impossible to float the inflated capitali
zations of railroads and industrial trusts, without
national aid, not from the tariff alone, but com
bined with unnatural concentration of money from
bank reserves. 1 am very sure the latter is as
potent a cause of unjust distribution of property
and wealth as is the former. This is illustrated
in the case of the tariff's greatest beneficiary,
whose fortune was doubtless trebled by organiza
tion and flotation of the United States 'Steel cor
poration. Liberty and righteousness demand cor
rection of such favoritism. Wall Street would
doubtless suffer because of the unnatural ad
vantage it has long enjoyed. But the way would
be opened for the people as a whole to regain pos
session of their own. Let me add that I believe
the loan or use of any portion of the national
bank reserves, a practice grown through many
years from small beginnings to be in violation
of the law, and that the United States supremo
court would so decide. To compel lawful money
to be everywhere withheld by national banks,
expressly for reserves, thereby denies loan or use
of such money everywhere. To permit a great
portion of same to be disbursed mainly at New
York where; being bank reserves subject to quick
recall, it can only be used as a basis for Wall
Street loans, turns the law Into false pretense and
national favoritism. This it is, which has enabled
incorporated beneficiaries to float false capitaliza
tions, throttle and control leading industries, de
stroy equal opportunities, under law, and moro
and more to subject the people at large as tribu
taries to unlimited predaceous wealth, and Wall
Street domination.
FOR THE SCRAP-BOOK
"It Don't Hurt Much"
Whnt, ho! littlo fallow upon my knoo,
Tolling your story of trouble to mo
A finger nwollon, a cut and a brtilso,
You wonder what mother will say to your shoe;
A brave, bright purpose to hold tho tears
'Mid all tho pain and tho doubt and fears;
Though lips mny quiver and sobs may rlso, -No
telltale drops in thoso bravo, bright oyea,
As, tender with valor of childhood's touch, -Ho
whispers: "It don't hurt very much." 'l
There, littlo lad, with tho wound of fray,
Scarred and stalnod In tho light-heart play,
A kins will heal with a kind word blont
Far bettor than all of tho Unlmont
I uaod to como for a bandage, too,
When I built castles of lire like you;
I used to fall and I used to know
T"ho stinging pain of the brulae and blow. 'tVjj
Tho torrible gulping of doubts and fours,
And tho brave, bright uuttlo to hold the tears. tr
What, ho J littlo fellow, just wait a whilo.
Till tho years of care and tho years of trial " ,f
Carry you ever so far away
From tho golden valleys of dream and play.
Please God, tho wounds and tho bruises then.
In tho hard, cruel battle of mon with men
Will find you stalwart and stanch and flno
To fight back sorrow with faith dlvino;
To hold the tears with a brave, tight clutch
And echo: "It don't hurt very much!"
Baltlmoro Sum
"Down to Sleep"
November woods are baro and still; '
November days aro clear and bright;
Each noon burns up tho morning's chill;
-The morning's snow is gono by night;
Each. day my stops grow slow, grow light,
As through the woods I reverent creep.
Watching all things lie "down to sleep."
I never knew before what bods, .
Fragrant to smell, and soft to touch.
The forest sifts and shapes and spreads;
I never knew beforo how much
Of human sound there is in such
Low tones as through the foroat swoop
When all wild things lie "down to sleep."
Each day I find new coverlids
Tucked in and tho viewless mother bids
Her ferns kneel down full In my sight;
I hear their chorus of "good-night;"
And half I smile and half I weep,
Listening while they Ho "down to sloop.'
November woods are bare and still;
November days aro bright and good;
Life's noon burns up life's morning chill;
Life's night rest feet that long have stood?.
Some warm, soft bed, In field or wood
Tho mother will not fail to keep,
Where we can "lay me down to sleep."
Ilelen Hunt Jackson.
Ghosts
die,
The whole house is full of shadows
And when the daylight fades and
And from every nook and corner
Peeps a pair of laughing eyes,
And I seem to hear wee footsteps
Creeping down the stairway, too.
And instinctively I listen
For a cry of "Peek-a-boo!"
And instinctively I always
Peek behind each open door,
And instinctively I always
As I used to do of yore
Each day coming home at even,
Look expectant down the street
For my baby's windblown tresses
And her eager flying feet.
I'll be glad when summer's colors
Blend in autumn's umber-brown,
And my laughing wife and babies
Como a-trlpping back to town;
When the shadows in the corners
Hide two laughing eyes for true,
And from unexpected places
I will hear a "Peek-a-boo!"
J. M. Lewis in Houston Post.
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