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JANUARY 4, 1907
ways toward advancing tlie political interests of
the people. T,he one argument that is now made
in favor of the holding of the Philippine islands
by the United States is that the Filipinos are
incapable of self-government. While such an ob
jection is inconsistent with our Declaration of
Independence and our ideas of government, it is
the only objection that is being seriously
urged against Philippine independence, and the
Filipinos have it in their power to meet this
objection and to establish even in the minds of
the most doubtful their claim to self-government.
The insurrection in Cuba has been used by
the skeptical as an argument against Philippine
independence, but it is absurd for any citizen
of the United' States to make an insurrection the
basis of an argument against self-government.
We had in this country the greatest civil war
known to history, but yet no one would think of
urging that fact as an- argument against the
capacity of the people of the north or south for
self-government. Both the Cubans and the Fili
pinos will govern themselves better than we
would be able to govern them through carpet-bag
officials, just as Mexico has governed herself bet
ter than we could have governed her had we
held her under our flag as the result of the Mexi
can war. Besides having governed herself better
than we could have governed her, the people of
Mexico have had the benefit of development
which participation in government brings. Every
democrat will wish the Filipinos success in this
step toward independence, and an increasing
number of republicans will rejoice if their fears
are removed by the wisdom and discretion of
the Filipinos who are chosen to the new assembly.
JJJ
"A MORAL ISSUE"
Mr. Stuyvesant Fish, late president of the
Illinois Central railroad, is reported to have said
some very good things in a speech recently made
at a banquet at Orange, N. J. Mr. Fish said:
"The contest ,is no longer between those who
have and those who have not, but between those
on the one hand who have moderately, sufficiently
and even abundantly, and on the other those
who, through the use of trust funds and the power
incident thereto, seek by questionable practices
to have excessively. This is the issue which is
daily brought into every home in America. Like
taxation without representation, it involves moral
and ethical questions, and also strikes at the
pocket book, which has been called the sure road
to the Anglo-Saxon's heart. It will not down.
Great and repeated efforts have been made to
quiet and hush the clamor which is rising on this
subject. Such efforts may succeed for a time,
but not in the end. It is not for me to say, in
the words of Patrick Henry, 'Gentlemen may cry
peace, -peace, but there is no peace,' nor yet,
'Shall we lie supinely on our backs until the
enemy shall have bound us hand and foot?' No,
a thousand times no! I can not and will not stir
your minds up to a sense of wrong. Such is not
my purpose, nor is this the forum for an appeal
against unjifet wealth. You and I have too large
a stake in it to risk adding to the danger into
"which it has been brought by the malfeasance of
some of our agents. What I do want is to bring
to your attention the fact that no apparently ef
fective thing has been done to right the wrongs
which are known to exist, and that it rests with
us, the great middle class, to meet this issue as
our fathers met those which confronted them,
. soberly, advisedly and in fear of God. Let us do
and say nothing rash, but, relying upon past ex
periences, move forward as people who "know
their rights, and knowing dare maintain.' "
Mr. Fish declares that a moral issue is in
volved, and he waxes eloquent and quotes from
Patrick Henry. It is a noble speech. Mr. Fish
is one of the rich men of the country at least
lie would have been considered rich a few years
ago,' although he may not be rich when his wealth
is measured against the wealth of some of our
trust magnates. He has recently had some ex
perience with the manipulators of the railroads
and he was worsted in the contest. His defeat
seems to have opened his eyes as to what is
going on in this country, and he sounds a note
of warning. The fact that he makes this protest
is one of the signs of the times. The distinction
."which he draws is a very proper one. There is
no antagonism in this country to honest wealth
no matter how much a man makes if he makes
it honestly and gives to society an equivalent
service. He will be protected in the enjoyment
of his wealth. There is a sense of justice among
the American people to which the successful
man can appeal if his success is merited, but it
is time that a distinction was made between
, money honestly accumulated, and money which
has been stolen. It is time that the honest men
The Commoner.
wpantoeth?Si f0rtU,nGS Ia lctImato business
and S 5B ra fr0U1 tho ry classes
exuloJHMnn he masses lu PuttinB an end to
bus S Zn fo fWnytTv. ag 0f th0 sraa
of tho lL f0 l that thejr mUBt to io side
bL nnnnSnn anClrS Thy learnInG iat the
that S Jl ar a Cla8a by thenisolvoa and
of tho fiL .h(;me3 conterapMo the enrichment
,at th0 exPeuse of the many.
n,n Tin F,,8U I)roAbably ret'ards his expulsion from
M,f ?f Df?l8f C0?1! directorate as a misfortune.
o rnftJ? i Sf?r, Uno makcs him n an0Htle
or reform, the public may well rejoice over tho
misfortune. Mr. Fish has been on the inside;
and he knows something of tho methods of these
men who have been syndicating a nation's pros
perlty and monopolizing the opportunities of the
country. May his conscience prompt him to
speak and to speak oftonvif he has any more
messages like the one recently delivered.
JJJ
MONEY IN BLOCKS
'John Pierpont Morgan is quoted In Town
Topics as saying: "There is plenty of money,
but it -Is in blocks not scattered about as it
once was." And this seems very satisfactory to
the people who own the "blocks." But how about
the people among whom it was once scattered?
Ho also says that there is. nothing to prevent
a continuance of prosperity "unless tho agitators
are successful in arousing public passion and
clamor against our property Interests." Is it
possible that he wants tho money "scattered
about as it once was?"
JJJ
A WORD OF WARNING
The Commoner has called attention to tho
Hamiltonian tendency on the part of some repub
lican leaders to obliterate state lines. This
tendency must be guarded against, for tho state
is the best protector of the rights and the best
guardian of the interests of the citizen in local
affairs. It is necessary, however, that democrats
shall be on their guard against the effort made
by the monopolists to use the state as a bulwark
when attacked by the federal government. In
our zeal for the protection of tho rights of the
states we must not allow wrongs to go unrem
edied. We must not allow tho federal govern
ment to remain inactive where action Is neces
sary. In domestic affairs the state is supreme;
in interstate commerce congress is supreme.
There is no neutral zone between these two
spheres of action. When commerce crosses the
line of a state it becomes subject to the control
of congress, and congress must act in such mat
ters or the people are without redress.
There ought to be no conflict between the
state and the nation Jn the attack upon preda
tory wealth. The state should do all within its
power to protect the public, and congress should
exercise its power to the same end. Tho remodies
should be concurrent. It is more than likely that
the advocates of centralization will seek to sub
stitute a national remedy for the remedies which
are within the power of the state. The demo
crats should se$, to it that the national remedies
are simply supplemental and do not disable tho
state. Congress is entirely within its sphere
when it attempts to fix the terms upon which a
state corporation can engage in interstate com
merce. A state has a right to create corporations,
and it has a right to control the corporations
which it creates, and It ought to have the right
to fix the terms upon which an outside corpora-
tion does business within its borders, but no
state can object to conditions imposed by the
federal government for the protection of inter
state commerce.
Let the democrats be on their guard, there
fore, first, to see that the powers of the general
government are employed to the- full in the pro
tection of the public, and second, that the. rights
of the states in local affairs are not interfered
with.
JJJ
WORK FOR PRIMARY PLEDGE SIGNERS
In its issue of March 17, 1905, The Commoner
presented the primary pledge plan for the organi
zation of the rank and file of the democratic party.
Since then thousands of democrats of every state
in the union have attached their names to pledges,
promising to participate in every primary elec
tion of their party. The signers of tho primary
pledge now comprise such a large number in
every section of the country that they may be of
material assistance in an organized effort for
democratic victory and for the vindication of
popular government.
There is a great work for primary pledge
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signers. Lot thCBo tako tho initiative In thalr
cSC orn!UC8' t0Wn-8r prcc,ncta' and StaS
c ubs for the purpose of extending tho primary
P edge plan and of awakening thoughUei"SaS
of other parties to tho importanco of re-establish-
ing democratic doctrine. Members of ch
clubs could study and dltfcuss the issues as they
force themselves to tho front. Through tho club
democratic literature could bo circuited and g
lomatlc effort could bo made to tho end that
every democratic voter attends the primary on
primary day and goes to the polls on election
The members of thoso clubs will have great
nfluence In making an Intelligent scrutiny of
tho characteristics of men who aspire to be dele
gates to democratic conventions, city, county,
state or national, it goes without saying that
such delegates should bo In full sympathy with
democratic doctrine and may be depended upon
rn.o.UI,,!?Art th.e !10W wel1 wnderBtood democratic
Intolerable '' ni0nI)0ly ia indefensible and
Such clubs should be organized without de
lay In overy precinct In tho United States. Im
mediately upon tho organization of a club It
should bo reported to Tho Commoner for pub
lication; tho name of tho club organized, tho
names of the officers and tho number of members
are Important facts that should bo sot forth in
this report.
Tho publication of such facts will oncourago
other democrats to organize for tho great work
that is to bo done for the democratic party.
Upon application The Commoner will supply pri
mary pledge blanks and also membership blunks
for organizing such clubs. Let this good work be
taken up In every precinct in tho United Statos.
What precinct will bo tho first to report to
The Commoner the organization of a club, whoso
members are pledged to wage faithful battle for
democratic principles?
JJJ
THE P08TOFFICE IN PRIVATE HANDS
W. D. Boyce, a business man of Chicago, has
made, on behalf of a syndicate, a proposition to,
take over the postoince department and operate
the same as "a private affair for public benefit."
Boyco agrees to pay tho .government rental for
the postofflce buildings and to pay to the govern
ment, also, all of tho profits above seven per cent
on the investment. He guarantee that he will
reduce the present rate of postage by one-half;
that ho will extend the rural free delivery so that
every farmer in the land will have the advantages
of that service, and that he will add a postal
express department so that packages may be dis
tributed by the rural carriers outsido tho mall.
Here is an opportunity for those republican
leaders who insist that the government should
"keep out of business." Under present conditions
there is a deficit in the postal department. The
two-cent postal rate is regarded by many as ex
cessive, and It is not possible to respond to tho
requests for extension of the rural free delivery.
But here is a man who proposes to" cut the postal
rates in two and then pay the government all net
profits above seven per cent on his Investment,
after paying rental. on postofilce buildings !
If the republican leaders' hostility toward
public utilities is well grounded, why not give
serious consideration to this Chicago proposition?
This hostility is not, however, well grounded.
Men know that with all of its present day short
comings the postal department, in the hands of
the government, gives to public afairs better
service than it would 'In private hands. When
any one proposes to place under private control
a public department so near and dear to the people
as the postofilce, there is no difficulty in convinc
ing even thoughtless republicans that the sug
gestion is "Indefensible and intolerable." As this
is true with respect to a monopoly in the post
office, so it is true with respect to a monopoly in
any of the necessaries of life. "A private mon
opoly Is indefensible and intolerable."
It is safe to say, however, that the Boyce
syndicate could make material reduction in the
expense of conducting the postofflce department.
Mr. Boyce says that the men whom he represents
have had experts investigating the proposition
for a period of seven years. If Mr. Boyce and his
associates can count upon making the postofflce
department an income producing business, why
may not the authorities at Washington make it
at least self-supporting? While the authorities
are waiting for Mr. Boyce to give them some
money-saving hints, it might be well for them to
use the pruning knife upon the enormous sums
paid to the railroads for the carrying of the
mails.
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