-4.WU-.
DECEMBER 21, 1906
might be well to Investigate the operation of the
Connecticut law which limits the earning power,
or at least the dividend paying power, on tho
main road of that state.
Elevator sites and private tracks should also
be under the supervision of the railroad commis
sion in order that all patrons of the road may have
equal treatment. The elevator monopolies, work
ing in league with, the railroads, have despoiled
the farmers of hundreds of millions of dollars.
Express companies, sleeping car companies,
telegraph companies, interurban electric compa
nies and interurban telephone companies should
all be treated like the railroads and put under tho
control of the railway commission, and the con
stitution should vest in the legislature or in tho
commission, or in both concurrently, the author
ity to exercise any control nocessary for the most
ample protection of the public.
Labor is deserving of special consideration,
for the wage earners in the city and the farmers
in the country produce the wealth of your state
and .to a large extent will bear its burdens. The
legislature should be empowered to fix the length
of the working day on state, county and municipal
work and to prescribe the maximum length of
the contract day as between private individuals.
As the courts have sometimes held unconstitu
tional laws' which, like the eight hour day law,
have attempted to limit the length of the working
day I hope that your constitution will specifically
confer upon the legislature authority to fix the
minimum age at which children may be employed
in factories and the maximum hours at which
adults may be employed. The same reasoning
that justifies a law protecting tho borrower from
an extortionate interest contract justifies legis
lation protecting the employe from excessive
hours.
The lobbyist, as he is generally known,
should be driven from the capital. No one should
be permitted to act as attorney or agent of any
corporation or individual interested in legisla
tion until he registers as such, and then his
arguments should be submitted to committees
rather than to individuals.
The legislature should be given plenary power
in matters of taxation. It should be authorized
to provide for a land tax (on the improved or
unimproved value of the land, as experience may
prove best, a' tax on personal property, on fran
chises, on corporations, on occupations, on in
comes and on inheritances."
Arbitration of differences between labor and
capital ought to be carefully provided for. Where
an employer has but a few men under him and
comes into daily contact with them, the personal
relations which exist between them insure both
sides against injustice, but when a corporation
employs a large number neither the stockholders
nor the directors, nor yet the superintendent,
comes into close acquaintance with the employes
arid some impartial board is necessary before
which disputes may be brought. While the sub
ject has not yet gone beyond the experimental
stage, I suggest that your constitution should spe
cifically authorize the legislature to create such
a board and bestow upon it such power as may
-be necessary. A permanent board of three or
five, temporarily increased for each dispute by
two members, one designated by each side, could,
I believe, almost prevent the occurrence of
strikes. If the board has power to institute an
investigation of its own motion, or at the re--i
quest of either party, it would not be necessary
i .to nj:;ke the finding binding upon the parties
because public opinion would compel the accept
- auce in all but the most exceptional cases.
. f But I shall conclude. I have by no means
covered the entire field which you, as members
of the convention, will be compelled to traverse,
and I fear I have given you little that is new.
Where I have used the word "should" you will
please understand the qualifying words "in my
judgment," for I can do no more than express an
opinion and I ask for that opinion only such con
sideration as you think it deserves.
With the earnest hope that the constitution
which you prepare may be entirely acceptable to
your constituents and that each delegate to the
convention may look back to his record with in
creasing pride, I am with great respect,
v. Very truly yours,
W. J. BRYAN.
-u . JJJ
CHRISTMAS
The Christmas season is here, and who does
not rejoice at its approach? Does it cost some
thing to celebrate Christmas? Yes, but the ex
pense can be proportioned to the ability. The
writer remembers when, as a boy, he saved his
niqkles to buy Christmas presents. Possibly a
The Commoner.
dollar was all ho had to spend, but what an ex
perience to go through the stores and pick out a
little present for each mombor of tho family!
Father was tho hardest to suit, for it was difficult
to find a five or ten cent present for a grown
man. A cake of soap mado into the form of an
animal answered the purposo, and it was appre
ciated sometimes by tho head of tho family even
though he did sometimes inquire whether there
was any significance in tho fact that soap was so
often the thing selected; but no, it was all that tho
money would buy, and it was bestowed and re
ceived in the most kindly spirit. Then Christmas
is the home-coming day. The children who aro
away at school return for their vacation, filling
the house with noiso and gaiety. Well, let them
enjoy theraselvos. They are children but once,
and tho home would bo a lonesome place without
them.
The family gathering when the parents and
the children and the children's children meet
about the family board to review the events of
the days during which they have been separated
how these domestic assemblies add to the deep
enjoyment of life!
But we must not forget the spirit of Christ
mas in the keeping of the letter. Our communion
with those who aro bound to us by the ties of
blood must not lead us to forget those with
whom we are Indissolubly connected even though
the relationship, is more remote. Tho origin of
Christmas is not to be overlooked. We commemo
rate a great gift with the gifts that arc bestowed
and received. God's gift of his Son is tho in
spiration that leads us to the observance of
Christmas day, and as His gift was for all, our
benefactions should extend as far as wo are able
to extend them. We enjoy Christmas more as
we enlarge tho circle of those to whose lives we
can add some joy on this annual festival.
The Commoner wishes its readers a Merry
Christmas and a Happy New Year, a Christmas
made greater to them by their generosity to oth
ers, a new year mado happy by the bringing of
happiness.
JJJ
THE PEACE PRIZE
Every American citizen must feel proud of tho
fact that the awarding to the president of the
United States, by the Norwegian parliament, of
the Nobel peace prize, meets general approbation
throughout the civilized world.
By his part in tho conclusion of peace be
tween Russia and Japan, Mr. Roosevelt won this
high prize and in the winning brought to himself
and his country honors that will not only bo
beneficial to both, but will serve as inspiration
to all men everywhere.
In one of his messages to congress, Mr.
Roosevelt said: "If the great civilized nations
of the present day should completely disarm, the
result would mean an immediate recrudescence
of barbarism in one form or another." Between
the Theodore Roosevelt announcing this astound
ing and abominable doctrine and the Theodore
Roosevelt winning the prize for the best efforts
toward the promotion of the world's peace, it
will not be difficult for the American citizen to
choose the figure which will best serve as the
representative of genuine Americanism.
Congratulations to the Norwegian parliament
which conferred the prize, and to the American
president who earned it; congratulations to the
American people whose most promising line of
leadership lies along the paths of peace, and to
the world whose progress depends .upon the aboli
tion of war!
JJJ
ROOT ON CENTRALIZATION
The Commoner will discuss the subject more
at length in future issues, but it enters its pro
test now to the doctrine of centralization which
Secretary of State Root endorses in his latest
speech. He asks: "What Is to be the future
of the states of the union under our constitutional
form of government? The conditions under which
the clauses of the constitution distributing powers
to the national and state governments are hence
forth to be applied are widely different from the
conditions which were, or could have been, with
in the contemplation of the framers of the con
stitution and widely different from those which
obtained during the earlier years of the republic. '
And then he proceeds to point out the causes
which have led to new conditions and declares:
"It is plainly to be seen that!the people of the
country are coming to the conclusion that in
certain important respects the local laws of the
separate states which, were adequate for a due
and just relation and control of the business which
was transacted and tho activities which bogan and
ended within tho limits of tho sovoral statos, aro
inadoquato for Just and duo control of tho business
and activities which extend through all tho stalon
and moro power of regulation and control Is grad
ually passing into tho hands of tho national kov
crnir.ont." 1 1 HS ?cr7T8 t0 ro8t h,B nrgiimont upon tho old
dea of dost Iny-tho refuge of the man who wants
to do a thing which ho can not defend. Tho
destiny argument carried us Into our oxpenslvo
experiment In Imperialism, and now destiny Ih
rolled upon to obliterate the Htatos and ccntrnllo
all government at Washington. The constitution,
while made more than a century ago, is adequate
for today. Tho changes that aro needed aro
changes of method, not of principle. Tho division
?h i ?Tcn ,or Rovernmont was founded upon
the doctr no of self-government, and tho preserva
tion of tho nation depends upon tho careful ob
servance of tho limitations between tho things
that aro local and tho thlngB that aro national.
I hose who do not recognize the doctrine of local
self-government can make an argument In favor
of the transfer of all power to tho fodornl govern
ment, but those who believe In tho doctrine of
self government rccognlzo that tho pcoplo can bo
trusted best with that with which they aro host
acquainted and that tho people aro best acquaint
ed with tho things which arc near them and im
mediately concern them.
Secretary Root may have had In mind tho
Japanese question as it presents itself In Cali
fornia. Tf so, ho will find that tho American
people, whilo anxious to protect foreigner In all
their rights, will not bo willing to turn the school
system over to tho federal government merely to
please any foreign nation, however friendly. It
is entirely possible to protect all tho Interests
of tho Japanese and scrupulously regard all their
rights without changing our form of government
or depriving the people of the community of their
right to regulate tho schools which their children
are to attend.
If Secretary Root has in mind the elimination
of tho trusts, ho will find that It is not necessary
to deprive the states of their present powers In
order to make congressional action effective.
Democrats may well scrutinize tho remedies
proposed by those who ignore the arguments upon
which local self-government Is based. Such rem
edies are apt to Involve changes that are not only
not necessary but really dangerous. Tho demo
cratic party stands for remedies which apply old
principles to new conditions. The president Inti
mates In one of the Storor letters that Secretary
Root Is a valuable man In the cabinet because
ho can present the president's views. The presi
dent will not strengthen his hold upon public
confidence by allowing the impression to go out
that Secretary Root expresses his views In what
ho says about the abandonment of the constitu
tional distinctions between state and nation.
JJJ
TREASON!
William B. Kills of Trenton, New Jersey,
writes to The Commoner: "Some moons since
we heard much of fiaWr.oney and Inflation. Who
is howling for fiat iley and inflation now?
Where was 'restored c lfldcnce' when money was
at $1.25 discount in New York recently?"
Look out, Mr. Ellis, the United States mar
shals will be scouring New Jersey armed with
capias for your arrest on the charge of treason,
if you are not careful!
Do you not know that for the government to
provide, through the orderly channels of blmotal
ism, sufficient money with which to conduct the
business of the country and at a time when con
traction best suits the purposes of the money
trusts, is "inflation?" But the unloading by the
banker of asset currency to the extent of twenty
per cent of his bond-secured currency, at a timo
when the banker is hard pressed for funds that
is not inflation; that is simply "elastic currency"
Issued to "meet an emergency;" that is "a sound
dollar," "honest money," and is to be used for
the purpose of enabling those eminent gentlemen
who care for us while we sleep and lay awako
nights thinking of our interests to defend the
"national honor," and protect the "business in
terests of the country."
The financiers insisted that free coinage with
the mints open to silver at the rate of one dollar
and twenty-nine cents per ounce would give us a
silver dollar with "fifty cents of flat;" and a "fifty
cent dollar" Is not to be thought of by these Na
poleons of finance. But a dollar of asset currency
issued on wind a dollar for, of and by the banker
that is not fiat money; that Is "a dollar good tho
world over;" that is "a sound dollar;" that is "as
good as gold!"
I nAuyii - A- jA . --.i.
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