'rfWVJTW' 'V tf?-temtrx'-&j&f?tr"r rj-','""'---' -.,,,..... i-i'lii'i't ' '''"''lT' $JyfiM' WpffT - -! Jugtfc,., ,jH ? ii The Commoner -.v .VOLUME 6, NUMBER 35 1 , V " ypF!!? (' AT J rt . J ' ffl s .t h n A WALL STREET CONFESSION Bryan's Commonor makes marry over the fact tlint tho Wall Street Journal sorao days ago declared that it has always accepted tho quantita tive theory of money. Tho Commoner says "Can a democrat bo blamod if ho becomes a bit dizzy these days when he sees men who, in 1890, sneered at the democratic doctrine , hurry to plant themselves upon tho Chicago platform?" It is one thing to accept tho quantitative theory of money, meaning thereby that the great production of gold, by reason largely of cheapened cost of mining, has bo stimulated industry as to advance prices. It is quite another thing to accept tho Bryan proposition of the free silver coinage at tho rate of 16 to 1. Wall Street Journal. But when the Wall Street Journal has ad mitted tho "quantitative theory" it has agreed to the basis of all arguments in favor of bimetalism. What the Journal calls the "16 to 1 proposi tion" was tho bugaboo raised to frighten those who did not understand the real issue. In order to establish bimetalism a ratio was necessary. When the republican newspapers and periodicals persuaded thoughtless men to sneer at "16 to 1" -they did not tell their readers that the thing at which they sneered was the historic ratio, and was Jn fact then as it is now tho legal ratio. The weakness of the "16 to 1" criticism would have been demonstrated had the mints been opened to silver as they are to gold, and it has recently been noted that even the purchase of the comparatively small amount of silver by the treasury department has had a marked influence . upon the price of the white metal. . But we will not quarrel with the Journal on . tho "16 to 1 proposition" now that it has boldly confessed the error of the position taken by the single standard advocate in 1896. JJJ "AND WITHOUT RESERVE" Commoner readers should make it a point to 'Tead to their republican neighbors tho planks in the Ohio republican platform relating to Mr. Roosevelt and Senators -Foraker and Dick. These planks are ' reproduced in "Current Topics" of this issue. It will be seen that the republican convention said: "We most heartily approve and endorse Theodore Roosevelt and his administra tion of public affairs." Then the convention said: "We most heartily, AND WITHOUT RESERVE, approve and endorse our distinguished senators, Joseph Benson Foraker and Charles Dick;" also: ?We glory in the conspicuous and effective work of Senators Foraker and Dick in legislative accom plishment and republican leadership." How laviBh that convention was in the praise . of its senators! While Mr. Roosevelt was "most heartily approvod and endorsed" the senators who opposed the important reforms to which the presi dent was pledged were "most heartily AND WITH OUT RESERVE approved and endorsed." That is "standing by Roosevelt" in just about the way the republican party manipulators intend to do, so far as concerns any legislation that promises to be helpful to public interests. In tho same platform it is said ""a hostile house of representatives would tiiwn iii txnn ,velt's) high aims, and embarrass the policy to which he is committed." But a hostile senate was not to bo considered by this Ohio republican gathering; and while shedding crocodile tears over Mr. Roosevelt's "high aims," and expressing lears lest someone might "embarrass the policy to which he is committed" this republican gather SlmSSSSX Proceeded to "most heartily AND WITHOUT RESERVE approve and endorse" the two Ohio senators, both of whom are hostile to Mr. Roosevelt's "high policies," and one of whom has done more to embarrass Mr. Roosevelt upon conspicuous matters of reform than any other man in public life, unless we bar Mr. Aldrich of Rhode Island. JJJ A BRAVE BOAST Democrats voted for most of the big measures which went through congress in the recent ses sion. They did .not dare oppose them. Some dem ocratic support may be expected for some of the republican bills which will go through congress In pre short session in the coming winter, and for the same reason. But democratic support for republican measures, however wIbo and urgent the measures may be, can not be counted on with any confidence much longer. -St. Louis Globe-Democrat (Rep.). Democrats may be depended upon xto support measures presented by republicans or yie repre- sentatives of any other party when those meas ures are democratic. It requires considerable courage, to give It but a mild name, on the part of a republican paper to intimate that democrats voted for reform meas ures at tho last session because they did not dare ' oppose them. For his reform measures Mr. Roose velt found his chief supporters among the demo crats and his chief opponents among the republi cans; and when one remembers that even in the face of the popular uprising in behalf of these reform measures, principles wore compromised and measures trimmed down until they were great ly weakened, one wonders with what reason any intelligent man would put his faith In a republi can congress making any material progress along reform lines after the votes shall have been counted. JJJ THE ISSUE IN MAINE Republican editors seem now very anxious to emphasize the fact that the prohibition ques tion figured in the Maine campaign, and these editors very generally insist that prohibition was the controlling issue Do they remember that no longer ago than September 5, Secretary of War Taft, speaking from a Maine stump, declared that Mr. Roosevelt and his policies provide the issue in the campaign this year. Mr. Taft declared that the question before the people Is whether they approve or disapprove the course of Theodore Roosevelt as president and desire to hold up his hands. Maine answered this appeal- by giving to the republican nominee for governor a plurality of 9,000 where, two years ago, the same candidate had received 25,000 plurality; and by giving to the republican congressmen pluralities propor tionately reduced. Can it be possible that many of the old time republicans of Maine concluded that inasmuch as the democrats in the house and senate upheld Mr. Roosevelt in his proposed reforms, where many republicans either openly deserted him or forced him to barren compromise, the best way to "stand by Roosevelt" is to elect democrats to congress and to emphasize the people's resent ment of the republican party's indifference to the public welfare by voting against republican candi dates all along the line? If Mr. Taft had only made his "stand-by Roosevelt" appeal a few weeks earlier, the truth might have dawned upon a sufficient number of Maine republicans in time to give to the policies which have contributed to Mr. Roosevelt's popu larity a practical endorsement by the success of the party from whose platform these policies were borrowed and in whose representatives in con gress Mr. Roosevelt found his most enthusiastic supporters. JJJ STRAWS In 1904 the republican nominee for governor in Vermont had a plurality of 31,000. - At the re cent election in 1906, the plurality was about 15,000. "The lowest plurality reached in recent years by the republican candidate for governor in Vermont was in 1890 when the plurality fell to 14,163. i In 1904 the democratic nominee for governor in Arkansas received a plurality of 38,000. At the 1906 election recently held the plurality was 61,000. This is the largest plurality for governor in Arkansas since 1896, when the plurality was 55,278. In 1904 the republican candidate for governor In Maine received a plurality of 26,800. At the 1906 election recently held the plurality was 9,000. JJJ INCOME TAX N 1900 The New York World says: "To mollify, the eastern democrats Mr. Bryan consented to have the income-tax plank dropped from the national platform of 1900." It is true the income tax was not explicitly referred to in the 1900 platform, although it was not tho Intention of the committee to omit It. The income tax was, howeyer, explicitly referred to in the 1896 platform and the Kansas City con- vention adhered to the plan when It said: "We reaffirm and endorse the principles of the na tional democratic platform adopted at Chicago in 1896." In order to show the absurdity of the World's charge that "to mollify the eastern democrats Mr. Bryan consented to have the Income tax. dropped from the national platform of 1900," it is only necessary to refer to Mr. Bryan's letter accepting - the democratic nomination in 1900. In that let tor Mr. Bryan said; "By inadvertence' the' income tax plank agreed upon by the 'resolutions commit tee, was omitted from the platform as read and adopted. The subject, however, is covered by the reaffirmation of the Chicago platform, and I take this occasion to reassert my belief in the principle which underlies the income tax. Congress should have authority to levy and collect an income tax whenever necessary, and an amendment to the federal constitution specifically "conferring such authority ought to be supported by even those who may think the tax unnecessary at this time. In the hour of danger the government can draft the citizen; it ought to be able to draft the pocket book as well. Unless money is more precious than blood, we can not afford to give greater pro tection to the incomes of the rich than to tho lives of the poor." - JJJ STRANGE Writing in the Outlook and refering to Bishop McCabe's championship of the Mutual Life In surance company, Dr. Lyman Abbott says: "The expression of opinion on the part of Bishop McCabe "emphasizes the Outlook's ad- ' vice to the policyholders of the Mutual and ' the New York Life to be cautious in support- ' J ing the change from an experienced manage ment to one that is untried and without prac tical knowledge of the insurance business." But the management of some of these insur ance companies are altogether too "experienced." It seems strange to see the bishop of a great church engaged in an effort to handicap a com mittee of responsible men bent upon securing re lief to overburdened policyholders. y It seems no less strange to see the reverend editor of the Outlook rushing to the defense of the Mutual's bfshop, and actually basing his de fense upon ,the ground that the plundered policy holders of the Mutual and the New York Life Insurance companies should be "cautious" in de manding that the men who are largely responsible for the mismanagement be replaced by those hav ing no affiliation with the Insurance rings, and who may reasonably be depended upon to pro tect the interests of the policyholders. JJJ THE PRESIDENT AND THE TARIFF The opinion of the independent press gener ally with respect to Mr. Roosevelt's letter to Representative Watson is well shown by the fol lowing from the Kansas City- Star: "President Roosevelt has made a concession a very big con cession to party organization., There is no other way to explain his disappointing letter to Rep resentative Watson on the subject of the tariff. The letter is inconsistent with the president's past theories on the subject of revision, how ever sincere it may be as to the advisability of revising the tariff at this time. The letter bears the marks of the thankless task. It lacks the Roosevelt ring. It qualifies and compromises. It has a note that never before obtruded itself in the Roosevelt utterances the note - of ex pediency." JJJ QUO VADIS, BISHOP? The attitude of Bishop McCabe in antagonism! to the reform efforts of the International policy holders committee is surprising to some of the bishop's followers. But it has not been forgot ten that during the campaign of 1896 predatory, wealth and organized capital had no louder de fender than "Chaplain" McCabe. Only a few months ago the bishop took it upon himself to define tho attitude of the great Methodist church towards organized labor, stating that attitude to be one of opposition to labor organization. In thebattle between the many who produce wealth and the few who consume It; In the struggle be tween those who are overworked and underfed and those who are idle and overfed, Bishop Mc Cabe seems to have an unerring .instinct for gqt ting in line with those who have little In common with that great class who were described as "hear ing gladly" the message of the Nazarene. JJJ IT NEEDS IT "Uncle Joe" Cannon is quoted as saying that "Mr. Bryan is a great aid to the republican party." WHi the republican party needs some assistance, judging by recent election returns, notably those from Maine. Even "Uncle Joe may need a little aid himself, judging by tho lively race Samuel Gompers and hi3 associate! gave to Mr LIttlefield. So if Mr. Bryan Is.hT "an aid to the repuhlican party," the retwf tl partisan should not abuse him for it,, ", much the American patriot might reriot give to a mLJfy I