"",FT55""" k7'' The Commoner. MlPTEMBEIt 2119M ' 3 m Few "Words With Commoner Subscribers I I am deeply Indebted to the subscribers of iThe Commoner for the loyal support which they tJSluLve given to the paper in my absence and for M-ae interest which they have taken in the exten- flon of its circulation. While I left the paper In good hands and am more than pleased with the panner in wnich it has been conducted, I am jlad to be at the helm again, for there is much I desire to say concerning the issues before the country. The tremendous growth in public senti 'ment in favor of the policies for which the demo cratic party has been contending must bo gratl t fying to you as it has been to me. Events have I vindicated our position and strengthened public . confidence in our party. Even on the money ques tion tne soundness or our arguments has been demonstrated by the improved conditions which K have followed an increase in the currency. The money question has been eliminated as an issue only because an unexpected and unprecedented ft increase in the production of gold has brought relief from the appreciation of the dollar and lift ed prices toward the bimetallic level. On all other questions our position has been strengthened by 'the failure of the republican party to bring any material relief. It continues a policy of imper ialism at an enormous expense to the country, while a promise to the Filipinos, like the promise made to the Cubans, would reduce expenses and restore our country to its legitimate position as an advocate of government resting upon the con sent of the governed. It has refused to reform the tariff even where the tariff has become the bulwark of trusts yes, even when the protected interests have shown their ingratitude by selling abroad at a lower price than they sell at homo. It has failed to satisfy the demands of the labor ing element of the country. Where the republi can party has made any progress, it has made it along democratic lines. It promised to do noth ing on the trust question, and where the presi dent has attempted to enforce the law, he has done so in accordance with the demands made by the democratic party years ago. His recommend ations on the question were also in line with the democratic platform, but a republican senate vory much weakened tho bill which tho presldont'askod for and which tho democratic members of tho house and senate almost unanimously favorod. Tho president has educated tho pcoplo up to an endorsement of many of tho democratic pol icies which were violently denounced a few years ago, and there is every prospect now of a demo cratic victory in 1908. -Whether wo shall succeed at tho polls rests largely in tho hands of tho domocrats themselves, and I tako this opportunity to point out tho two things which, in my judg ment, will most contribute to that success. First, the presentation of democratic argu ments to tho public. Every democrat should make himself a committeo of one to got tho democratic position before tho public, for that position will grow in favor as it is hotter understood. Demo cratic speeches which present tho democratic posi tion clearly ought to bo circulated. The local pa pers which champion democratic Ideas ought to be heartily supported, not only for tho good that the editorials do but for tho encouragement which enthusiastic support gives to thoso who write tho editorials. Second, the organization of tho democratic party must bo in sympathy with the people. When the tariff question was tho paramount Issue, the party demanded that tho members of tho organization should be in harmony with the party's purpose to reform tho tariff; when tho money question was the paramount issue, tho people demanded that the members of the organi zation should be in harmony with the party plat form on that subject; when imperialism was tho paramount issue, the people demanded that the members of the organization should beln harmony with the party's avowed policy. Upon no other basis can a fight be made. Individuals may dis sent from parts of tho platform they may even dissent from tho party's position on the question declared by the party to be paramount but can didates and members of tho organization, if known to be antagonistic to the party's purpose, can not render any services sufficiently impor tant to overcome the damage done by their at titude So today, when tho trust issue Is tho paramount isauo, tho democratic candidates and tho democratic organization must stand out boldly against corporate domination in politics. NO MAN WHO IS FINANCIALLY CON NECTED WITH A CORPORATION THAT IS SEEKING PRIVILEGES OUGHT TO ACT AS A MEMBER OF A POLITICAL ORGANIZATION BECAUSE HE CAN NOT REPRESENT HIS CORPORATION AND THE PEOPLE AT THE SAME TIME. HE CAN NOT SERVE THE PARTY WHILE HE IS SEEKING TO PROMOTE THE FINANCIAL INTERESTS OF THE CORPORA TION WITH WHICH HE IS CONNECTED. This may bo accepted as axiomatic. It Is the statoment of an old-fashioned truth which none can dispute. It is simply a paraphraso of tho Biblo declaration that "no man can servo two masters." Upon so simple a proposition there should be no dispute If you believe with mo in tho importance of having tho democratic organi zation free from tho taint of corporate control, I urge you to present this matter to your neighbors and to apply tho principle to your local and state as well as national organizations. Doubtless there are many democrats connected with thoso cor porationssome of them officially -who would put the good of tho party above tho Intorests of their corporations, but such men know enough About human nature to know how Impossible it is to convince the public of their disinterestedness, and If they really feel a deep interest in tho party's success, they will not thrust themselves upon tho party in an official way or oven allow themselves to bo persuaded to become officers of tho party organization. It is no reflection upon them per sonally to say that they can not aid thoir party In this capacity. Believing that you earnestly desire a real democratic victory a victory which, instead of being barren of fruit, will bring reliof to 'the peo ple and establish tho party in public confidence for years, I take tho liberty of presenting these suggestions to you. W. J. BRYAN. " ' THE DUMA MR. BRYAN'S LETTER (Continued from Page 2) each individual that stimulus to improve his land, which is the important element in individual own ership.' In riding through a country one can dis tinguish with considerable accuracy between the farms cultivated by their owners and those cul tivated by tenants, because the tenants, as a rule, are unwilling to make permanent improvements. One Russian economist estimates the income from the owned lands of Russia at thirty per cent abovo the income of the same area of communal lands. He attributes it to the ability of the land owners to supply themselves with proper tools and to furnish or borrow at low rates the money needed for cultivation, but it is possible that this dif ference may be 1n part due to the fact that own ership makes the incentive to labor greater, and offers a richer reward to superior effort. There is an upper house, or council of empire as it is called, which shares the legislative power with the duma, but it does not receive much at tention because its composition is such that It can not reflect public sentiment, and can not op pose the will of the people except at the risk of Its' existence. Half of the members of this coun ' oil are appointed by the emperor and the other half elected by different interests. The ncbillty elect some, the universities some and the zems towB some. The duma does not recognize the council of empire as a co-ordinate branch of the government and will not be slow to express itself in favor of ' a radical change in the method of selecting the members of this upper house, or even its aboli tion, if it stands in the way of measures which have a large majority in the duma. What will be the outcome in Bussia? A Rus sian would hardly venture a prediction, and for an outsider prophecy is -even more hazardous. The situation could scarcely be more complicated, fenerations of misrule have brought an accumu- lation of questions, all pressing for solution. The duma wants a great many tnmgs aone ana warns them done at once, while the government, If it remains Under the influences of the bureaucracy, win fWvA nfl littlfl as nossible. So far, the govern- ment has been unfortunate in that it has delayed If nil a t making; concessions until sua greater conceg ) slons ai'e demanded. The program of the present xninistryihas been so completely repudiated mac the emperor may find It easier to appoint a new ministry than to humiliate the present one by compelling It to propose what it has heretofore refused. If a new ministry is formed and the duma is consulted about its personnel, Ivan Petrunkevlch will probably be the premier. He is a member of the duma and the head of the par liamentary organization of the constitutional dem ocrats. He has already proposed a constitution to Nicholas n. If the duma is disregarded and a ministry formed from the emperor's present ad visers, it will at least be more liberal than the one now in office. The duma is a permanent institution; it could not be abolished by imperial decree with out endangering the crown itself, and it can not be dissolved or prorogued with safety. The gov ernment must, therefore, treat with the duma and agree to such compromises as may be neces sary tos maintain peace between the executive and the people. The officials, too, are learning from the duma something about the science of government. When there was no one to speak for the people, the czar could claim to voice their sentiments. He can claim this no longer. When tho people were denied a hearing, the officials could deny that tho people desired reforms, but the officials can not put their unsupported opin ions against a unanimous duma. The elections have shown how insignificant a support the gov ernment has among Its subjects, and these figures contain a warning, which oven the bureaucracy can not entirely disregard. Does the government rely upon the army? The soldiers are drawn from the people and servo for three years, a half million raw recruits being enlisted each year. Is it possible that they can be different in senti ment from their fathers and brothers? In three years the Russian army will be made up of men in hearty accord with thoso who speak through the duma. Without an army to rely upon what answer can the bureaucracy make to the legis lature? The czar has already suffered much at the hands of his advisers; he is no longer the Idol that he was, an'd reverence for the church has abated somewhat as reverence for him, Its tem poral head, has decreased. What can he do? There is but one course open to him. He asked the people what they wanted and they have told him. Aa he can not doubt that they have told him the truth, he must either accept their an swer or confess that he does not Intend to con sider their wishes. If he would appoint wnow ministry, propose a moasure guaranteeing free dom of speech and freedom of tho press, recommend an agricultural bank to protect the peasants from the small money lenders, recall tho exiles, release political prisoners and Invito the leaders of the duma to confer with the ministry in regard to the land question, he would be restored to the affection of his subjects and have no reason to fear bomb 'throwers or hostile criticism. He would find a hundred and thirty millions of loyal subjects a much stronger bodyguard than a few hired sol diers. His position is a difficult one because his environment is unfriendly to tho masses, but having burned the bridges behind him, he must go forward. Russia is not decaying. She has extent of territory, abundant natural resources and an immense population. To be sure, a majority of her people were serfs until a generation ago, but there Is no race distinction between tho nobility and the peasant, and with education the extremes of society are being drawn closer together. That Russia has a great future is not open to doubt What experiences she may pass through before she emerges a free, self-governing and prosper ous nation no one is wise enough to foresee, but the people who have, sacrificed as much for lib erty as have the Russian patriots have in them the material of which mighty nations are made. The duma is ready to do Its part; will the govern ment rise to the occasion? Time alone can tell. Copyright. THE DINGLEY SCHEDULE8 Tho republican orator who speaks In de fense of the present republican tariff law and justifies it upon the theory of tho honest advo cate of protection refuses to give consideration to the fact to which Senator Dollivar of Iowa tes tifies that Mr. Dingley himself stated that the schedules of the present tariff law were purposely placed high in order that they might be used as a basis for obtaining reciprocity treaties. Al though there are no Infant industries to be pro tected, and the tariff barons have taken advan tage of republican legislation to impose upon the people, we are now told that the Dingley sched ules are so sacred they must not be touched. I J .- i,iJii