The commoner. (Lincoln, Neb.) 1901-1923, June 22, 1906, Page 3, Image 3

Below is the OCR text representation for this newspapers page. It is also available as plain text as well as XML.

    i""V TV"-?, '
;""'-'...
JUNE ,22, 1906
The Commoner.
,.' -,".
IN THE SPIRIT OF 1896
The Lincoln (Nebraska) Journal, republican,
says: "No one denies that the Chicago platform
contained one or two helpful suggestions. ' It was
also loaded heavily wi'ch radical propositions for
which a very respectable element of the party
could not stand at the time and would not en
dorse now. It is therefore impolitic and unwise
to the last degree for the Commoner to indorse
the virtues of that platform as a whole. Now
that Missouri, Indiana, Illinois and other states
have endorsed Mr. Bryan as the next nominee
of a reunited democracy; now that Henry Watter
son has become reconciled, and affectionate
things are being said of him in the enemy's
country, it behooves 'the Commoner to say noth
ing that will arouse ancient animosities and start
another factional controversy. The best thing
the1 Commoner can do with the Chicago platform
is to forget it. There are so many other and
better things to think of that it isn't worth
while."
Of course "ancient animosities" should not
be aroused and "factional controversy" should
not be encouraged; but the brethren who went
away and have returned to the fold are mindful
of the fact that faithful adherence to principles,
the correctness of which has been confirmed in
recent 'years, does not mean the cultivation of
"ancient animosities" or "factional controversy."
Harmony at the sacrifice of democratic prin
ciples would not be worth having. Democrats
who have insisted that their party be, in fact,
as well as'in theory, the servant of the people
did not enlist for a sham battle. If the aides
are brightening for the democratic party today
it is because the people now recognize as patri
otic sentiment the things which in 1896 repub
lican editors freely denounced as "anarchical
doctrine." If there is a disposition on the part
of the people to return to the democratic party
it is because the people have faith that the party
will fulfill its pledges.
Democrats have no disposition to forgot the
Chicago platform, for that platform represented
in 1896, even as it dpes today, the real conser
vatism of the country. Owing to the unpre
cedented production of gold the money question
is not and will not be discussed in detail as it
was in the Chicago platform; but tho underlying
principle of bimetallism tho Quantitative theory
has been amply vindicated and is now generally
recognized. Other features of tho platform have
likewise been vindicated. While it is truo Unit
present day problems will call for the construc
tion of new platforms, the democratic platform
for 1908 will be written in the same spirit which
controlled the men who drafted the much abused,
yet largely vindicated declaration of political
principles prepared by the democrats at Chicago
in 1896. f
The democratic party in 1908 will be per
fectly "safe" and thoroughly "sane." Perfectly
safe as a medium through which the American
people demanding equal privileges for all and
protesting against special favors to any one
within the law or without the law may register
their decree, confident that that decree will bo
faithfully executed. It will bo thoroughly sane
because, while demanding the adoption of policies
that will result in the greatest good to the greatest
number, it stands between the radicalism of tho
republican party on the one hand, and he (ad
icalism of the socialist party on the other oe
tween the radicalism that administers govern
ment for the "benefit of a coterie of men
at the- expense of the competitive system,
and the radicalism . that contemplates an im
possible form at the expense, of individualism.
The Court Review Clause In Two
Important Measures
In his letter to Chairman Wadsworth of the
house committee on agriculture, and complain
ing about the meat inspection bill, President
Roosevelt said: "I can not even promise to sign
it, because the provisions (aoout tin? court, as
well as about other matters) are so bad that, in
my 'opinion, If they had been deliberately" designed
to prevent the remedying of the evils complained
of, they could not have been worse."
The court provision in the meat Inspection
bill is similar to the court provision In the rail
way rate bill, and the protest by President Roose
velt with respect to the meat inspection bill, is
similar to the protest which democrats made re
specting the railway rate bill. In the opinion of
democrats "the provisions about the courts" in
the railway rate bill, are so bad that "if they
had been, deliberately designed to prevent tho
remedying of evils complained of, they could
not have been worse." In fact it is generally
believed that this court provision in the railway
rate bill was "deliberately designed" to protect
. the special interests rather than the public in
terests. Evidently Mr. Roosevelt did not agree
with the . democrats on that proposition when
it affected the railway rate bill. Evidently he
does entertain that opinion with respect to the
meat Inspection bill.
Replying to President Roosevelt's criticism
of th6 court review clause, Chairman Wadsworth
says: "The worst that can be said of the clause
is that it is, perhaps, unnecessary, that It is al
ready covered by existing laws. I have been
taught always to honor the judiciary of my coun
try. I have been taught always to respect the
rights of its citizens, and to respect the right of
property, and I can not believe that the mere rep
etition of a provision which guarantees to the citi
zen the privilege of the courts of the land when he
believes his property rights are threatened
can be justly or properly objected to." In
language almost identical with this Senator Aid
rich and his associates with the Apparent ap
proval of President Roosevelt answered the crit-
" icism made by, democrats on the court review
clause of the railway rate bill.
In his reply to Chairman Wadsworth, Mr
Roosevelt reiterates his criticism of the court
provision. He says "the court provision is, : the
one to which I most 'object;" and referring to
that provision, he repeats: "If deliberately de
signed to prevent the remedying of the evils
complained of, this is the exact provision which
the friends of the packers and the packers them
selves would have provided." He protests that
in the framing of the meat inspection bill "you
would put on the judge who had no knowledge
whatever of the conditions, the burden of stat
ing whether or not tho secretary was right."
Ho also says: "In Chicago, for instance, you
would make any judge whom the packers chose
to designate, and not the experts of- tho depart
ment of agriculture, the man to decide on any
question of any kind which the packers thought
it worth while to dispute." The president also
says "You may possibly remember tho recent judi
' cial decision in Chicago, in which the packers
were concerned;" and concerning the court review
clause, he repeats: "This provision is, in my
judgment, one which by enactment into law will
nullify the major part of the good which can be
expected from the enactment of this law."
Mr. Roosevelt's objections to the court re
view clause of the meat inspection bill are sub
stantially the same as the objections that the
friends of railway rate legislation raised to tho
court review clause advocated by Messrs. Aid
rich, Allison and their associates and supported
generally by the republicans, and, apparently, en
dorsed by Mr. Roosevelt himself. The effect of
that provision was to make the judges and not
- the interstate commerce commission, tho men to
say practically when and how the orders of the
commission were to go into effect and when and
how, if ever, the people were to obtain relief from
excessive railroad rates.
If Mr. Roosevelt had shown one half of the
determination with respect to the court review
clause of the railway rate bill that he has shown
in connection with the court review clause of the
meat inspection bill, a much better railroad meas
ure would have been assured.
JJJ
THE DRIFT TOWARD DEMOCRACY
Many republican newspapers exprs sur
prise because of the ample evidence "of the grow
' ing disposition on the part of the American
people to turn to the democratic party. ;ne
. republican paper says that this tendency is all
. the more surprising because' the principles ad
vocated by the democratic party In 189G arc now
regarded as "exploded vagarlos" and that that
ddfeat was "so comploto as to bo cruahing." But
that defeat was not nearly so "completo" as tho
defeat of 1894, when tho democracy under tho
leadership of tho element that forsook it in tho
1896 campaign, met disaster.
Is it posaiblo that this republican editor fails
to understand that but for tho Chicago rlntfdrm
tho democratic party could not havo flustered
a corporal's guard in 1896. It was, in truth, tho
honest, straightforward declaration of principles
by the democrats in convention assembled aV Chi'
cago, that made it posslblo for the democratic
party to flguro as a living force in ;hd politics
of America, whore, otherwise, it would havo gono
to tho third or fourth place had it not, Indeed,
been obliterated altogether.
There is nothing in tho Chicago platform that
can bo pointed to ns "exploded vagaries." The
essential principles of that platform stand vin
dicated in the" court of public opinion, and tho
American people show a disposition to return
to the democratic party, because, although wo
fully deceived in 1896, their oyes have been
opened.
Why should any one be surprised that the
people's eyes havo been opened? Why should
any one be surprised that the people turn in
disgust from the party that so grossly deceived
them in 1896? Have not tho revelations been
sufficient to bring about this awakening? What
more do the people need to show tho utter folly
of putting their confidence in the party which in
1896 posed as the "party of God and morality,"
but In whoso interests hundreds of thousands of
, dollars belonging to policy holders and other
helpless1 victims, were misappropriated?
JJJ
ONE ''CAPTAIN OF INDUSTRY"
Newspaper dispatches from Reno, Nevada,
,say that Mrs. William Ellis Corey, wife of the
president of the steel trust, has filed a potition
for divorce on the ground of desertion. The
couple were married in 1883, and Mrs. Corey
charges that her husband deserted her in May,
3905.
Corey was one of those high minded gentle
men who in 18S6 wpre greatly alarmed lest tho
honor of the nation be soiled. If memory is' not
at fault Schwab, Corey's predecessor as president
of the steel trust, lost his position because ho
dallied at tho gaming table. When, something
more than a year ago, it was announced that
Corey had deserted his wife, tho newspaper dis
patches said that he would be forced from his
position. Then came intimations that Corey
would not submit to discipline at the hands of
his superiors. At one time we were told that Mr.
Carnegie, who builds libraries for the edification
of his countrymen and for the perpetuation of
the Carnegie name, was so indignant because of
Corey's conduct that he had bluntly told the steel
trust president that he must return to his family
or surrender his position. But later Mr. Car
negie gave a party to the employes of the steel
trust and the dispatches said that William Ellis
Corey, the president of the great corporation and
the wife deserter, held the "seat of honor" at
Mr. Carnegie's 3lde.
There were rumors that Corey had made
threats to his steel trust associates that if they
undertook to discipline him, ho would retaliate.
Some poworful influence seems to have kept him
in his position. Can it bo that the members of
the steel trust regard gambling a3 a more serious
offense than wife desertion? Or can it be that
Corey knows more of the secrets of the ' steel
trust that Schwab knew? Maybe the explanation
is that Schwab was more tractable than Corey
and that while Schwab, the gambler, consented
to abdicate, Corey, the wife deserter, refused to
be retired from the head of one of the world's
greatest trusts.
Perhaps, however, he will no longer be posed,
in the editorial columns of republican newspapers,
as a faithful defender of national honor, as
an American citizen conspicuous for his per
' sonal virtues and one who may serve as a model
to the rising generation.
SENATOR DRYDEN'S' ANNOUNCEMENT
Senator Dryden, of New Jersey, has taken
'time by the forelock and announces that he will
be a candidate for re-election. The people,, of
New Jersey should proceed to lay plans-for tho
defeat ofjthis senator, who represents selfish in
terests instead of the people.
.... ,j