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MAY 4, 190
The Commoner.
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ACCEPT REGULATION OR OWNERSHIP
The Commoner printed recently a series of
articles written by a gentleman who having had
wide experience in railroad matters was able to
give men generally considerable information on
the subject of railroad rate legislation. This
same gentleman, writing to The Commoner, says
it is significant that most of those republican
senators who insist that the rate bill must con
tain a court review provision object to any rate
legislation -whateyer. He points out that these
senators not only insist upon a court review
amendment, but also insist that the review must
come before the commission's orders go into
effect. He says that advocates of rate regula
tion well understand that the legality of the
commission's orders can not be kept ou'c of court
entirely, but they believe that rates fixed by the
commission should go into effect and remain in
effect until declared unjust, unremunerative or
confiscatory by the courts. He says that the courts
can not definitely determine in advance whether
a rate will be unremunerative, there beifig no
rule or standard by which an unremunerative or
confiscatory rate can be detected.
On this point the writer says:
"These senators know that any rate fixed
by the commission which will afford just compen
sation is a lawful rate. If the court review comes
before the rate goes into effect it will bo Impos
sible for the railroad to prove that the rate will
be unremunerative or confiscatory. The only
thing the railroad can do is to claim that tho
rate will not afford just compensation. That tho
railroads will press this claim vigorously, per
sistently and tenaciously goes without saying,
and this will result in raising a doubt in tho
mind of the court. There is no uncertainty as to
who will receive tho benefit of this doubt.
On the other hand tho railroads will have
to prove that tho commission's rate la depriving
them of just compensation. They will not only
have to show an actual decrease in gross and
net earnings sufficient to make reasonable profits
impossible, but they will have to prove that this
decrease was caused by the commission's rate.
"The proposed rate regulation bill should
contain no ambiguous provisions. It should bo
so shaped that its purpose may bo realized, if
the supreme court declares that congress can
not regulate railroad rates there is but one
policy to adopt, and that is government owner
ship. In its report to the senate (Senate Report,
first session 49th Congress, Vol. 2, page 53) the
select committee on interstate commerce said:
The time may come when the people of
the United States will bo forced to consider
the advisability of placing tho railways of
the country completely under tho control of
tho general government. This
would seem to be tho surest method of se
curing tho highest perfection and greatest
efficiency of tho railroad system in its en
tirety, and tho best method of making it an
harmonious whole in its operation and of
bringing about uniformity and stability of
rates which Is tho greatest need of trade
and commerce.
"That report was made before the -present
interstate commerce law was passed. In fact tho
present law was the result of the report of this
committee. When that hill was before congress
the railroads insisted thuY congress could not
regulate thorn; that such a law would be declared
unconstitutional. Tho luw of 1887, known as tho
Interstate commerce law, has never been de
clared unconstitutional. The supreme court did
decide, however, 'that tho power to fix rates had
not been conferred upon the commission by con
gress. There should be no mistake made on
that particular point in the new law. Then If
tho, supreme court decides that congress can not
constitutionally delegate this power, government
ownership is the only solution."
"The Past Generation, like an Imbecile Old Father, has Disin
herited its Children. But They will break the Will."
To a symposium entitled "Socialism in
America," and published in the New York World,
General James B. Weaver of Iowa contributes
the following :
To the Editor of the World: The movement
toward socialism in the United States and else
where Is 'strictly defensiye and abnormal. It re- '
sembles the movements, of opposing armies in
the field. The socialists prefer that the multi
tude shall own and operate everything rather
than that a few shall absorb all. It is economic
war, and lying hidden within it are dislocations
fearful to contemplate. The same plutocratic
forces which engendered socialism in the old
world have begotten it here and are giving it
growth, strength and vitality.
Senator Hanna's prophetic vision was clear
and accurate if his economic and political
theories are to continue. He contemplated a con
tinuance of the present plutocratic regime and
he had at that very time been slated by monopo
listic wealth for eight years' service as president
of the United States. Visions of gigantic trust
combinations and ship subsidy schemes con
trolled his great brain. Under such conditions,
of course, nothing could avert the socialistic is
sue in 1912. He would have forced exactly that
issue had he lived and succeeded in his ambi
tions. He, his conferes and associates have pre
cipitated a life-and-death struggle between arti
ficial persons created by the state, called cor
porations, and natural persons of flesh and blood
created by the Almighty. The former, reinforced
by an allied army of speculators, have driven the
men of flesh and blood into the overcrowded mar
ket of day laborers, have absorbed the sources
of wealth, including the soil; have set the labor
ing men at war with themselves, while the gov
ernment in all its branches is used chiefly as a
police force to keep the peace while the corpor
ations get in their work.
The allied corporations say nobody shall do
WORK FOR FILIPINO ASSEMBLY
The Filipino assembly provided for in tho
Philippine law will give an authoritative expres
sion of the popular will. Tho assembly will not
only inform the American officials as to the needs
of fcjie natives, viewed from a Filipino standpoint,
but it will give the Filipinos an opportunity to
demonstrate their capacity to deal intelligently
and deliberately with public questions.
Some of the Filipinos have under-estimated
tho value of this assembly. Because the Philip
Pine commission, being a co-ordinate body, lias
virtually a veto power over acts of the assembly
some have feared that the assembly would c
little use. This is an error; the ' wmmteBlon, what
ever may be its statutory rights, will hesitate
to obstruct the passage of a measur e which c early
represents the settled convictions of he Filipino
people. The Icing of England has the right to
business but themselves and that competition
shall be eliminated. They have forced labor to
say that a man who does not belong to the union
shall not work, and they will say whether or
not he may join. The past generation, like an
imbecile old father, has-disinherited its children.
They will break the will.
The senate of the United States at this mo
ment is creating socialists faster than they can
be organized and equipped. It is a great social
istic recruiting station and is destroying pa
triotism faster than Abraham Lincoln ever built
it up. Nothing but a sudden halt In political
affairs, state and national, and a change in public
policy, can avert the struggle. It is an ugly
condition, but the conflict, as was once before
the case, is again irrepressible if present con
ditions are to continue. Fortunately there are
signs of an awakening, and it is nation-wide. It
is Adumbrated in the skies. Something is shak
ing the conscience of the nation and it is not
socialism. It is simply the mighty tread of true
democracy and Christianity walking hand in hand.
Do nQt be alarmed. The alliance is wholly holy.
There is neither excuse nor necessity for social
ism in this country if the government will hon
estly and conservatively align itself once more
with the people. But let me assure the reader
that the safety of both persons and property de
mands that this shall be done speedily and with
out sham.
How to check the growth of socialism:
First There must be less money spent for
military and naval establishments and more for
reclaiming our unwatered empire, thus furnish
ing homes for destitute people, and we should help
poor settlers if need be to get a start. Our policy
in this particular mustvbe broad, liberal, aggres
sive and must be inaugurated at once. The army
of foreigners daily landing upon our shores can
then be consistently required to settle upon and
cultivate this reclaimed land.
veto an act of parliament, but the right is never
exercised, and so the commission will be likely
to acquiese In measures sent to it by the as
sembly. The commission is composed of four Americans
and three Filipinos, but the Filipinos, being se
lected by American officials, may or may not rep
resent Filipino sentiment. It had been the ex
perience in our own country that minority rep
resentatives of a board are not representatives
at all if they are chosen by the majority. Demo
crats selected by republicans do not, as a rule,
represent the democratic party and republicans
selected by democrats do not, as a rule, represent
the republican party. Bi-partisan boards are gen
erally a farce when all the members are selected
by one party; they enable the party in power
to do what it pleases and to throw part of tho
odium upon the minority.
The native members of the Filipino commis
sion should be chosen by the Filipinos themselves
Second We must take up the question of
land reform, nationally and in states. Land
monopoly is monstrous, unchristian and un
civilized. Third There is but one way to control the
railroads. It is not necessary that the govern
ment shall own and operate our vast railway sys
tem. The tentative way to approach that prob
lem is to pass an act authorizing tho government
to construct or purchase three transcontinental
lines north, south and through the center of the
continent. If such a law were passed the present
lines would be quick to sell at reasonable rates.
Questions of connecting with these lines and all
subsidiary and collateral matters would be easy
of adjustment.
Fourth We must elect United States sena
tors by popular vote.
Fifth The struggle for community control
of public utilities must continue and it will.
Restore the competitive equilibrium even if wo
have to discourage corporations for private gain.
If they will insist on destroying competition and
enisling the individual, to that extent destroy
them by recalling their charters. If it is a ques
tion of which shall live the corporation or the
man let the man survive. The duty of the
stale is to the individual. These remedies will
be tried first before the nation takes the Cim
merian leap into socialism on the wide scale
contemplated by your question.
Sixth Finally, nominate and elect a conserv
ative ticket in 1908 whose very names will in
spire confidence in all classes. It will not be
hard to find such a ticket, but it will have to be
selected with a view of tackling living and vital
issues. No namby-pamby administration at war
with itself can possibly grapple with ,the mighty '
problems now pressing for solution.
JAMES B. WEAVER.
Colfax, la., April 20.
and the Philippine assembly Is the proper body'
to make the choice. Our government ought tc(
hasten to make this change in the law before,
the assembly has time to request it; it would brf
acceptable as a strong proof Of the nation's inten-j
tion to live up to the promise "The Philippines
for the Filipinos."
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LET THEM LAUGH
The Washington correspondent for the St?
Louis Globe-Democrat says that the speech de3
Hvered by Senator LaFollette has been "a dis-i
tinct disappointment." This correspondent sayi
hat at times "the senate was close to laughinc
at him." Well, Senator LaFollette can stand
the "laughter" of "the senate." Tho American
people have considerable more confidence In Senj
ator LaFollette than they have in some of his
colleagues.
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