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The Commoner.
.VOLUME .6, NUMBER-!
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Mr. Rainey's Kindergarten for Standpatters
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' In the houso of representatives recently Rep
resentative Rainoy, known as "tho lono demo
cratic membor from Illinois" conducted what ho
called "a kindergarten for atand-pat republicans."
Mr. Rainoy addressed tho house on tho tariff
question, showing particularly that under the
present tariff system "it has not only, become
impossible to buy in the cheapest market, but
it has become impossible for tho American citizen
to buy American-made goods in the cheapest
market."
r Mr. Rainoy pointed out that for 1,500 miles
along our northern frontier a railroad was built
out of American stool rails, and for all of tho
rails used for tho construction and maintenance
of that road it coat $27 per ton. Then he said:
"Just on the other sido of the border, over in
Canada, they havo built another railroad in
overy sense of the word a parallel and compet
ing line out of rails that costs $22 por ton;
but tho rails out of which tho Canadian road is
built and the rails out of which the American
road is built all come from the same factory
hero in the United States, protected by our tariff
laws "
Mr. Rainoy further pointed out that the
American manufacturers of agricultural imple
ments Bhip their products to all sections of the
world and sell them from 25 to 50 per cent
choapor than the same goods are sold to tho
American farmer who lives within fifty miles
of the factory.
Mr. McCleary, republican, interrupted to
ask Mr. Rainoy if it were not a fact
that in the last report of tho British Iron Trade
' Journal steel rails are quoted at a little -more
than $31 in England while they are quoted at
$28 in the United States. Mr. Rainey said while
he could not say that that was a fact, he said
that it sometimes occurs temporarily as, for in
stanco, in 1808, when this quotation lasted for
only sixty days.
Mr. Rainey then referred to the now famous
"great protection sale" advertised by Charles A.
Keene, a Now York jeweler. Mr. Keene is sell
ing Waltham and Elgin watches which he bought
In England cheaper than these goods can he pur
chased in America. Mr. Rainey showed that
American-made goods sent abroad could be
brought bade without paying any duty. Ho
showed that the watch trust required retail
dealers to sign an agreement promising not to
sell below the minimum price fixed in the con
tract, and that Keene buying abroad the Waltham
watch that had been shipped there returned it
to this country and sold it for $18.98 when the
minimum price for which that watch could be
obtained from a merchant dealing with the trust
was $2G. Another stylo Waltham watch whose
minimum price is $35 was sold by Mr. Keene for
$25.38. Another stylo watch whose minimum
price is $24 is sold by Mr. Keene at $16.92. An
other style, whose minimum prico is $60 is sold
by Mr. Keene for $42.30.
Elgin watches which under similar con
tracts are sold by regular dealers at a minimum
price of $35, are sold by Keene ten dollars
cheaper. Elgin watches whose minimum price
Ib $24 are sold by Keene at $16.39. Mr. Wil
liams of Massachusetts here interrupted to re
mind Mr. Rainey that similar contracts were
made by nearly all the trusts.
Mr. Rainey showed that Joweler Keene had
cabled abroad $130,000 within fifteen months prior
to the time he started his business, and that the
money was used for the purpose of purchasing
American-made watches in the foreign market.
He said that he held the American Express
company's receipts for this $130,000, and while
they were too bulky to print in the Record,
lie would hold the documents in his possession
and invited any one who doubted to inspect
them. Mr. Rainey exhibited a number of watches,
showing the wide difference in the price de
manded by the trust from American consumers
and, the prico at which the watch is sold by
Mr. Keene from his stock of American watches
purchased in the foreign market.
Mr. Rainey told of a scheme conducted, and
successfully, by the trust to put a stop to
Keene's enterprise. Recently there arrived at
New York 2,400 American-made watches con
signed to Keene. Keene's European agents had
bought them in the foreign market. When these
goods reached the custom house the agents of
the watch trust were on hand and they protested
against the landing of these watches, claiming
that 1,200 of them had been advanced in value
and improved upon while abroad by the addi
tion of Swiss dials, and were therefore not en
titled to admission free of duty. Keene's agents
investigated, and found that the watch trust, in
orcTer to stop the business, had duplicated a dial
used in Switzerland exactly the same color as the
dials made in this country and similar in all
respects, except the words "Made in Switzerland"
were stamped on the back of each one of. these
dials. Because of this fact 1,200 of these watches
were refused admission, and it was necessary
for Keene to return them to the foreign market.
Answering the republican argument c.oncern
ing the great benefits to this country from the
growth of the watch business, Mr. Rainey said
that while the number of employes of watch fac
tories had increased, they employ now 15 per
cent more men than they employed in 1880, but
they employ 600 por cent more women and 200
per cent more' children.
Mr. Rainey, referring to one particular style
of Elgin watches, said that it was in great de
mand for the holiday trade, and that not long ago
Mr. Keene bought 2,000 of these watches from
the Keystone Watch Case company in London.
When this company found that the watches were
intended for shipment to the United States they
refused to deliver,, and Keene and the mari'who
made the purchase for him sued the company.
When the brief was filed by the watch case com
pany it was set up that the goods were sold on
the representation that all of said watches were
required for the market in Prance only, and
would not be sold in the United States. Mr.
Rainey says that the Keystone company finally
compromised this case and settled the suit? by
paying Keene five hundred pounds English
money.
Mr. Rainey continued to pile fact upon fact
in his arraignment of the republican tariff, .and
republican members were whipped into silence
by the powerful showing he made. He told the
republicans that in spite of this serious condi
tion they would do nothing to give the people
relief.
He quoted from the Chicago Tribune the state
ment of employes' of the Elgin Watch company,
who were at that time on a 'strike, to the effect
that since the Dingley tariff went into effect
the company employed cheaper labor and that
it required a finisher to assemble v a hundred
watches of a certain kind a day in order to make
$3 a day, and in order to do that work he must
lay off and rest at least two days in each week.
Mr. Rainey said that five days after these charges
were made the watch company, finding that it
would not do to advertise these features of their
business, settled with the striking employes.
Following is an extract from the Congres
sional Record: Mr. Rainey said: "Now, have I
satisfied the gentlemen on the other side? In
terruptions are not as frequent now as they were
formerly. Have I satisfied the gentleman from
Pennsylvania (Mr. Dalzell), who had so much to
say yesterday about this picture I displayed here
on this easel? I displayed the picture here in
this room because I had a right to do it under
the rules of the house, and because I obtained
authority from the proper source before display
ing' it here.
"The gentleman for so many years and with
such signal ability has represented the railroads
and the corporations in this body that tie can
not understand now how a member can honestly v
and conscientiously want "to represent the people
(applause on the democratic side), and he puts
into the Record these sneering remarks. The
gentleman has been a member of the school of
protection graft for so long a time that he can
not understand what it means for a man to havo
an honest motive in a matter of this kind. Have
I satisfied the gentleman from Iowa (Mr. Lacey) ?
And for him I entertain the highest personal regard.-
Have I satisfied the majority leader, the
gentleman from New York (Mr. Payne)? I saw
him yesterday circulating on that side advising
republicans to ask me no more questions.
(Laughter and applause on the democratic side.)
Have I satisfied him? Are you all satisfied?"
(Applause on the democratic side.)
In the Senate Thirty-two Years Ago
"A. -it
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In his sneech aeainst. tho rnilw.iv mto hni
Mr. Foraker said that conditions might be worse.
Mr. Tillman remarked, "Well, the people are
squealing." Mr. Foraker retorted, "If the senator
had been here during the Cleveland administra
tion he would have heard them squealing long
and loud."
The people have "squealed" at various times
on- this railroad question, and they have for
many years, even long prior to the Cleveland
administration, had good reasons for "squeal
ing." They are just now debating this question in
the United States senate as though it were some
new proposition, yet thirty-two years ago in
1874 the United StateB senate, complying with
what was then, as now, known as "popular
clamor," appointed a committee to investigate.
This committee was known as "the committee
on transportation routes" and was composed of
these senators: William Windoni of Minnesota,
John Sherman of Ohio, Roscoe Conkling of New
York, H. G. Davis of West Virginia, T. M. Nor
JSr? ,Ge01,Slai J- W. Johnson of Virginia, John
H. Mitchell of Oregon, and S. B. Conover of
Florida.
This committee held session during the sum
mer ot 1874 and made a report from which tho
following extract is taken:
"In the matter pf taxation, there- are to
day four men, representing the four great
trunk lines between Chicago and New York,
who possess, and who not unfrequently exer
cise, powers which the congress of the United
States would not venture to exert. They may
at any time, and for any reason satisfactory
to themselves, by a single stroke of the pen,
reduce the value of property in this country
by hundreds of millions of dollars. An addi
tional charge of five cents per bushel, on tho
transportation of cereals, would have been
equivalent to a tax of forty-five millions of
dollars on the crop of 1873. No congress
would dare to exercise so vast a power ex
cept upon a necessity of the most imperative
nature, and yet these gentlemen exercise it
whenever it suits their supreme will and
pleasure, without explanation or apology.
With the rapid and inevitable progress of
combination and consolidation, these colossal
organizations are daily becoming stronger
and more imperious. The day Is- not distant,
if it has not already arrived, when it will be
the duty of the statesmen to inquire whether
there is less danger in leaving the property
and industrial interests of the people thus
wholly at the mercy of a few men who recog
nize no responsibility but to their stockhold
ers, and no principle of action but personal
and corporate aggrandizement, than In add
ing somewhat to the power and patronage of
a government directly responsible to tbe peo
ple,, and entirely under their control."
So it seems the people were "squealing1
thirty-two years ago. Thirty-two years ago a '
committee composed of such distinguished re
publicans as William Windom, John Sherman
and Roscoe Conkling declared that four men rep
resenting the four great trunk lines between
Chicago and New York possessed, and not in
frequently, exercised, powers which the congress -of
the United States would not venture to exert. -Has
the situation improved since Senators Win
dom Sherman and Conkling subscribed to this '
startling statement coming as it did from public
men in a free government?
The evils of which Messrs. Windom, Slier- '
man and Conkling complained were infinitesimal
-when compared with the evils of today. The
power held by the monopolists of that day war.
small compared with the power held by the
monopolists of the present time.
Thirty-two years ago the situation was so '
grave that these distinguished Americans sug-
gested the inquiry "whether there is less danger
in leaving the property and industrial interests
of the people wholly at the mercy of a few men
who recognize no responsibility but to their stock-'
holders, and no principle of action but personal
and corporate aggrandizement, than In adding
somewhat to the power and patronage of a gov
ernment directly responsible to the poople and
entirely under their control." Yet no remedy 'has
been provided, and every effort to give the peo
ple rqlief has been vigorously resisted by-the
representatives of these special interests
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