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MARCH 9, 190f
The Commoner
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NO PUBLIC MEASURE ever met with a more
sensational, turn than that given to the Hep
burn rate bill when the management of that
measure was taken from a representative of the
majority party and placed in the hands of a rep:
resentative of the minority. Referring to the sit
uation the Washington correspondent for the New
York World says: "The tangle is worse, than
any that has existed in the senate in recent years,
and the situation is without parallel. It is in
evitable, if the bill passes; as ib was reported
that it, a Roosevelt measure, will give the. demo
crats whatever prestige there may be in the new
law. Furthermore the republicans in the senate
are split into warring and ugly factions over the
matter."
THE COMMITTEE agreed to report the Hep
burn bill subject to amendment by a vote
of eight to' five; Those voting in favor of. the
bill were Tillman, McLaurin, Carmack, Foster
and Newlands, democrats, and Cullom, Dolliver
and Clapp, republicans. Those voting against the
measure were Elkins, Aldrich, Kean, Foraker and
Crane, republicans. It was then proposed by
Senator Aldrich that Senator Elkins be authorized
to report the bill. Senators Tillman and Dolliver
objected, saying that the bill should be reported
by one of its friends and not by an enemy. Mr.
Aldrich then said that he would substitute the
name of Tillman for that of Senator Elkins. He
said that inasmuch as the bill had been reported
by democratic votes it was proper that-a member
of "that party should take charge of it in the
senate. Senator Elkins nominated Dolliver to
make the report, but Senator Tillman was chosen
by a vote of five to three, Senators Tillman Dolli
ver and Foster not voting? Aldrich, .Kean, For
aker, Crane and. McLaurin, -fotir republicans and
one1 'democrat; '-voted for Senator Tillman-. .. Senators-Elkiiis,
Clapp and Newlands, two republi
cans and one derilocrat, voted- for Dolliven
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SENATOR TILLMAN accepted the assignment
gracefully, saying: "It is a-father unexpect
ed and ridiculous situation. If there is any idea
of making it a farce; with me as the clown, those
who imagine I am not going to--fight 'for an effec
tive railroad bill are 'way off their base. I cer
tainly am not going to lend myself to- any scheme
of side-tracking or undermining the efforts to get
corrective legislation. This is a democratic
proposition, and the president has lent his great
influence to it. And I hope that he will continue
to do so. The democrats in the. house supported
the bill unanimously, and I believe the democrats
in the senate will do likewise. I hope, there will
be enough patriots in the republican party to help
us pass it." Senator Tillman reported the bill
Monday, February 26.
TTflLLIAM NELSON CROMWELL, who was
,V V charged with wielding mysterious "power
in .connection with the Panama canal, appeared
before the canal committee and was closely ques
tioned by Senator Morgan of Alabama. Mr.
Cromwell admitted receiving $200,000 from the
Panama Canal company and Senator Morgan
sought to have him explain what he had .done
to entitle him to that money. Mr. Cromwell said
that he could not state what portion of it repre
sented payment for each of the several services
he had performed. He . declined to explain his
relations with the new Panama Canal company
as its private counsel, but ho said that he had
not received one dollar from that company;
that when he got through he would render his
bill; that it would be a substantial one, and would
be paid. Senator Morgan asked Mr. Cromwell
to describe the relations between the government
and J. P. Morgan & Co., by which the $40,000,000
paid for the canal was deposited with the Morgan
banking house. The witness declined to make
any explanation on that lino. On the following
day the examination of Mr. Cromwell was re
sumed, and Senator Morgan put question after
question to him, but the witness .refused to an
swer. Senator Morgan said: "It is the most. re
markable case of lock-jaw I ever encountered.!'
Senator Morgan insisted upon a ruling. as,ip
whether the witness should bo required to. am
swer. s Senators Morgan and Taliaferro voted in
favor of requiring tho witness to. answer, but
Senators Kitteridgo, Drydon, Ankcpy and Millard
voted against the proposition: It developed that
Croritwell was also fiscal agent for tho republic
of Panama, and he said that ho had received no
salary from that republic for his services. Ho
explained thatvho rendered these services "be
cause of my broad instinct' of good nature, which
has promptod mo to do so. much for this cause,
and for the further reason' that I have more money
than I know what to do with, unfortunately."
.
TOHN BURNS, the first representative of labor
that has ever held an. office in the British
. cabinet, has written for the New York Inde
pendent an interesting article relating to munici
pal ownership. . Mr. Burns, says: "Cheap, popu:
lar, publicly owned rapid transit is the best way
to dispose of the ghettoes of poverty, the slums
of misery and the alsatias pf vice." He declares
that municipal ownorship as. tried in Great Brit
ain is a success; that. in that system there is
no. one to offer bribes because there is nothing
to sell, that the occupation ,of the thief has gone
because the receiver has disappeared. He says
that it Is an incontestible fact that under munici
pal ownership in Great Britain roads are better,
the staff more loyal because more contented, and
the amazing cheapness of traction is proved by
the fact, 'that the average, fare of electric car
passengers in London. is under two cents, while
more than 50000,000 , of people ride as one-cent
passengers. He declares: "The effect on hous
ing, has. been the disappearance in ten years of
80,000 one.-rpom tenements, a corresponding in
crease in .larger tenements and a diversion- to
common parks and heaths of the women and
children, who by traction alone, without injury
or loss ' to anyone, now .secure, as an everyday
right, what, through cpmpany-ownership and dear
fares, was an occasional and fatiguing privilege."
MjfSosglSM AND MONOPOLY" is the latest
LJ work by Thomas Carl Spelling whose acute
legal mind was displayed in his previous works,
"Trust and Monopolies," "Law. of Private Corpor
ations," "New Tr,ial Appellate Practice," etc. Mr.
Spelling begins his present work by a careful
analysis . of . the government's power to control
corporations. HJs opening sentence is the keynote
to the, .entire work: "There is no law of congress
or of any state, against, nor are there any posi
tive, common la,w rules inimical to, mere monop
oly." .The writer holds that the Sherman anti
trust law goes as -far as it can constitutionally
in providing a. .check upon trusts and combinations,
and he concludes that many of the proposed
amendments would, if adopted, be declared un
constitutional by the supreme court. He says
that the government's power is limited to the
prevention of combinations in restraint of trade
between the states and that all tho supreme court
decisions show that the government has no power
to prevent monopoly. Mr. Spelling says that in
view of these decisions further interference by
congress is impossible without a constitutional
amendment, and he. is of the opinion that it would
be easier to secure the election of a sufficient
number of senators and . representatives to insti
tute, government ownership of' the means of trans
portation than to secure the consent of the requis
ite number of states to an amendment confer
ring upon congress far-reaching powers over cor
porations. THIS LEADS MR, SPELLING to the following
conclusion: "It is the opinion of the writer
that there are no dangerous or oppressive indus
trial monopolies that could not be rendered harm
less by absolute government control of rates for
transportation and modifications of tariff duties;
that mere combinations of capital with a view to
economy of production and administration would
be so far controlled by competition, In the ab
sence of rebates, protective tariffs, and other spe
cial privileges, that tho monopoly evil in them
would soon disappear." He adds that government
ownership of transportation is the only way to
secure absolute government control of rates and
declares that when the-government acquires the
railways it should acquire the coal also, for a
monopoly of fuel in private hands would be
dangerous to commercial Interests of all kinds.
The overthrow of the bosses, contends the author,
must precede monopoly's overthrow, and tho
bosses can never bo overthrown as long as blind
partisanship is the guido of those who belong to
the great parties. He says that tho voters should
take control of the parties and should aeo' to it
that the great corporations do not make deals
with the party leaders of all parties. Ho believes
that If-the voters grapple resolutely with the evil
of bossism they will overthrow It.
MR. SPELLING POINTS out that the most op
pressive of all the trusts Is the railway trust
and' he says that throe-fourths of tho people favor
public ownership. Mr. Spelling believes that If
the voters determine to secure public ownership
they can force their leaders to favor that policy
or retire from politics. Once tho railways arc
Under public control, the reign of bossism will
cease. The way will be made easy to secure
other reforms. He says that in Itself government
ownership of the trunk lines and state ownership
of the local lines would tend to destroy monPpoly,
but contends that the complete destruction Pf all
artificial monopolies can be wrought and com
petition restored by the withdrawal pf special
privileges: If monopolies remain, all, perhaps,
will be natural monopolies, and these the govern
ment should own or control. n this connection
the author writes: "And so with corrupt party
machines, by which is meant all so-called party
organizations under control of bosses these can
be easily reached and converted Into agencies
for the destruction of monopoly rule and tile in
troduction of an era of government ownership of
every enterprise which, whether In private hands
or in the hands of the government, can be used
to tax the general public in thd form of freights,
fares and rates. . Let the voter adopt, tP
a limited' extent, tho tactics of the boss, if a
party is-going his-way, he should get aboard a'iid
ride, as in the case of a street car. But suppose
it Is going: the other way? Would he not be a fobl
to ride in it, even though -he paid no fare."
FOR THE OVERTHROW of the bpsses Mr;
Spelling suggests the direct primary as the
best instrument at the disposal of the voters. By
the direct primary legislators can be Instructed
as to the popular choice for United. States sena
tor. If the people would take control of affairs
from the great corporations they must control the
senate, which is the bulwark of special privilege
arid monopoly. Mr. Spelling has no faith in rate
regulation, holding that it is a mere makeshift.
He says that the interstate, commerce commission
can be vested with little more power than it now
possesses; that the railways will, break the. new
law as easily as they have broken the old law,
and thp responsible officials will go unpunished
in the future as In the past. Mr. Spelling's book
contains an exposition of political and economic
conditions in the United States at the present
time, and the writer, who states that he was for
a number of years very conservative in his Ideas,
advocates drastic remedies.
A LARGE NUMBER of New Workers, many of
them opposed to municipal ownership and
some of whom have recently protested against
municipal ownership literature as "an attack
upon the interests of the country" have found
it necessary to make organized opposition to
what they call the "traction trust" in New York
City. A number of these gentlemen formed ' an
organization the purpose of which is described
by Mr. Ivins, recently the republican candidate
for mayor of New York, as being for the purpose
of protecting the people of Gotham from tho
impositions which the members or this particu
lar organization feel, will surely follow in the
event that "the traction trust" is completed. Mr.
Ivins says that according to the "traction trust's"
program the people of New York will be abso
lutely at the trust's mercy. He says that his
organization will endeavor to demonstrate to the
people that the city should have certain rights
which are not contemplated In the "traction
trust's" program, and he makes it plain not
only that his organization will fight that pro
gram to the bitter end, but also that the schemes
of this "traction trust" spells disaster to the
best interests of the people of New York.
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