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About The commoner. (Lincoln, Neb.) 1901-1923 | View Entire Issue (Jan. 12, 1906)
? ' f r JANUARY. 12, 190i The Commoner. JrO NOTES FROM THE NATIONAL CAPITAL I i vt Washington, D. 0., Jan. 8. There is a wide difference of opinion as to how long the debate in the house on the Philippine bill will last. Some of the prominent democrats who remained here during the holidays seem to think that the republican managers will be liberal and grant all the time that could reasonably be expected. Others incline to the belief that the rules com mittee will bring in a characteristic resolution so framed that the triumvirate can shut off the discussion whenever it becomes apparent to the rulers that enough has been said on the subject of the islands, their present and future needs and the existing tariff in the United States, for it is generally conceded and understood that many more speeches will be made by the demo crats on the iniquities of the Dingley law than on the particular subject to be considered duties on Philippine products brought into the United States. Before the usual Christmas recess was taken Mr. Payne, of New York, gave notice that as soon as congress reassembled it was his inten tion to proceed with the Philippine bill. This will suit the democrats. One of the most valuable and forcible men on the democratic side in this congress, and thoroughly equipped for any discussion likely to be precipitated during the session, is Hon. Charles A. Towne. It was not possible for the democrats to secure a place on ways and means for Mr. Towne and he was put on foreign affairs an as signment fitting his prominence, and one likely to give him a chance to distinguish himself in the event the democrats can force to the front certain matters before the close of the congress. Mr. Tawney, of Minnesota, the chairman of the appropriations committee, says that he was hope ful before the announcement of the committees by the speaker that Mr. Towne might be given a position on appropriations. Mr. Tawney, al though an intense republican in politics, recog nizes in Mr. Towne a man of genius in legislative affairs, and while they parted company politi cally during the memorable campaign of 189 G they had been in congress from the same state and have always been friendly. Tawney has wit nessed the remarkable growth of Towne in in tellect and influence, and for that reason was desirous of having him associated with him, even though they might cross swords frequently. Try as hard as they may the republicans can not conceal the fact that they are in a bad row of stumps with regard to the Philippines. They want to let go, but just when and how not a man of prominence in that party would venture an open, honest opinion on the floor of the house. All they can say now is that "it is definitely set tled that we retain them (the islands) until the people are prepared for self-government. To bring about this will require at least a gener ation." So far as the Philippines are concerned the democratic contention in a nut shell is that in justice to the Filipinos and ourselves they should be considered as altogether American or alto gether foreign. That is the meat of the view tAvm4 .-. VN'WVWWA WWNov MR. ROOSEVELT'S LEGISLATURE The Omaha (Nebraska) Bee says: "The elec tion of the Roosevelt candidate for speaker of the New York legislative assembly would indicate that the Roosevelt policy can not be cried down on the plea of political imperialism." And now the interesting question is what will bo the policy of Mr. Roosevelt's New York legis lature with respect to insurance evils. Can a legislature organized with the aid of the insur ance magnates be depended upon to protect the interests of the policyholders and to destroy one man power in the great insurance companies? JJJ THE RICHEST PRINCE Apart from the correctness of the principle consent of the governed" is of intensely practical advantage to the state wherein that principle pre vails, it promotes contentment among the peo- expressed in tho minority report made to the house by Mr. Williams. The democrats have let it plainly bo known that they want to get rid of the Philippines at tho earliest practi cable moment, but if the islands aro to be re tained the democratic position is that freo trado should exist between them and the United States. As the republicans have such an overwhelm ing majority hi this house it would bo silly to assert at this juncture that the policy of the majority of the ways and means committee will not prevail and the bill passed. But the repub lican brethren are not happy, and a mighty cracking of tho party whip will have to be re sorted to to keep all in line when the vote is taken. The men behind the beet sugar industry of this country appear 'to be ablo to wield a wonderful influence over congressmen in whose districts this business is assuming largo propor tions, and accounts, no doubt, for the unruly ac tion of Congressmen Babcock, of Wisconsin, William Alden Smith, of Michigan, and Necdham of California, when tho Philippine bill was con sidered by the ways and means committee. It is too early to risk a prediction as to tho likelihood of an open rupture between the presi dent and the senate on the railroad rate and other questions. Since my last advices there are signs that several of the republican senators are weak ening and are at this writing more disposed to get around to tho side of President Roosevelt. The situation is a worrying one for these sen ators, but they have by no means given up the fight. The attitude of the representatives of many of the leading railroad companies in stat ing to members of the interstate commerce com mission that they are willing to shut oft rebates and furnish information that will aid in tho ef forts to prevent discriminating charges, may tend to heal the breach between the republicans stand ing with the president and those who have been regarded as "conservative," or in other words, more favorable to the companies than to follow ing the recommendations of the chief executive. The republican members of the senate Inter state and foreign commerce committee aro thought to be a long way from agreeing on a bill. The Dolliver plan, supposed to have the sanction of President Roosevelt in tho main as perhaps the best possible compromise between tho discordant elements, does not suit Senator Foraker, who stands out against any proposition that would give the interstate commerce commission the absolute power to make and unmake rates. With a tendency, however, on the part of such a large number of the trans-Mississippi lines to make the concessions referred to it may ultimately result, as heretofore pointed out in this correspondence, in a compromise in the senate that will be en tirely satisfactory to the railroads and not at all pleasing to the strenuous gentleman in the White House. Ex-Senator Chandler, of New Hampshire, has contended in interviews and cards to the newspapers for the past eight months that if the president gets what he is after so far as regulating rates is concerned, it will be found that the democrats will have to come to the pie, and consequently adds to the strength of the government. The government whose strength is due to love must be mightier and more enduring than the government whoso strength depends upon the Ther(e'nds of government-the contentment and happiness of the people-were well described m the splendid boast of the riches possessed by a certain German prince. The story is told In a ItUe poem written by Kerner, a German poet, and entitled "The Richest Prince." The poem fol- lows: All their wealth and vast possessions, vaunting high in choicest, terms, sat the German princes feasting in the knightly Hall'MigTuScried the Saxon ruler, "are the wealth and power I wield; in mj country s fountain gorges sparkling silver lies con- Ceal'See my land with plenty grovvkig" quoth rescuo. This has been a very pleasing situation for Mr. Chnndler, ardent republican that lie la, but ho would rather give tho democrats credit for their assistance Umn to permit tho railroad managers to escape. For tho sake of nrgumont, at least, most well Informed people horo concede that some sort of a railroad bill Is going to bo passed be fore tho soaslon ends. Supposo tho measure that is finnlly sent up to tho White House does not suit President Roosevelt. Will ho veto it and send Instantly to congress a ringing message on tho subject? That Is a question the republicans do not like to think of, much less answer. A few of the intense admirers of the executive assort with a confidence that might have been inspired that if tho president's party does not enact a measure to his liklug ho Is apt to lock horns with congress. But this may be a bluff and tlmo alone will demonstrate tho true state of feeling be tween Mr. Roosovelt and his fellow republicans In congress. No veto of Importance has been sent to con gress since tho last term of Grovor Cleveland expired. That was when he disapproved a river and harbor bill, and members of both tho senate and house wore so bent on distributing those fa vors In various sections of tho country that they very promptly passed tho measure In spite of his veto by an overwhelming majority. During the fifty-third congress Mr. Cleveland would neither sign nor veto tho Wilson-Gorman tariff bill. lie simply contented himself by letting it become a law and writing letters to certain congressmen to express his dissatisfaction. President McKinloy exercised tho veto power most sparingly, and tho few bills he disapproved wore of no general public Interest. Mr. McKIn ley had served eighteen years in tho house, and seemed to understand tho ways of legislators in a manner that saved him from friction with the law making power of the government. Mr. Roose velt has never been a member of congross. His only legislative experience was at Albany, having been a member of the Now Yorlc assembly while a very young man. Until elected president It was understood by men of all parties that he was carrying out as nearly as possible the pol icies of the man who was elevated for tho second time in 1904 to that high position by tho voters of the United States. There was not sufficient time to carry out any of tho policies recommend ed in President Roosevelt's message transmitted to congress in December, 1904, for it was a short session; and as Mr. Roosevelt failed to call the threatened extra session it was reasonable for his party associates to assume that he was in no hurry about taking up tho question of railroad rates, the adjustment of matters on tho Isthmus Of Pan ama, the Philippine situation and tho reciprocity treaties that have been hanging fire so long in the senate. But now careful observers of events here have about reached tho conclusion that If the powere that be do not live up to tho promises solemnly made, the democrats will be In a posi tion to expose the hollowness of their preten sions. ALFRED J. STOFER. the Palgrave of the Rhine, "bounteous har vests in the valleys, on the mountains noble wine." "Spacious towns and wealthy convents," Louis spake, Bavaria's lord, "make my land to yield me treasures great as those your fields afford." Wurtemberg's beloved monarch. "Eberard the Bearded" cried: "See my land hath lit tle cities; among my hills no metals bide; yet one treasure it hath borne me! Sleep ing In the woodland free, I may lay my head In safety on my lowliest vassal's knee." Then, as with a single utterance, cried aloud those princes three: Bearded Count, thy land hath jewels! Thou art wealthier far than we!" The czar of Russia Is just now In a position to understand why these three German princes stood uncovered in the presence of Wurtemberg's beloved monarch.