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The Commoner.
VOLUME 5, NUMBER 5
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rate measure that will be satisfactory to Mr.
Roosevelt.
There are many men jn this country who,
having a very kindly feeling for Theodore Roose-.
volt, have not satisfied themselves whether he
may be depended upon to stand resolutely and
seriously In behalf of the people against the en
croachments of powerful interests. He Is under
going trial today .and those who, regardless of
political prejudice, have given him support hope
that he will acquit himself proudly.
There are, however, disquieting rumors and
somo very good friends of the president fear that
as a result of railway rate agitation the presi
dent and the republican congress will agree on
u measure which will represent not the wishes
of the American people nor the views so often
expressed by Mr. Roosevelt, but will represent
the will of the railroad ( magnate and will fail
to provide the people with material relief even
so far as actual railroad regulation could give
relief.
It is significant that so far as results to the
public are concerned Mr. Roosevelt has made
small progress in his boasted campaign against
special interests. His proceedings with respect
to rebates have been characterized by a disposi
tion to ignore tho law where influential republi
cans were involved, and his policy with respect
to that law has been so variable that where he
makes what would seem to be business-like moves
such, for instance, as his order to district at
torneys to proceed under the conspiracy statutes
his plans havo neither inspired the public with
confidence nor frightened the railroad magnate.
His far-famed campaign against the Northern Se
curities company resulted merely in a change of
organization, and we find the same old men heap
ing upon the people the same old impositions. In
the face of his prosecution of the beef trust, that
trust has continued to pile higher and higher its
impositions. Does any one imagine these men
would dare to continue these wrongs with an
Andrew Jackson in the White House?
The prestige of the president of the United
States is great, and "when he moves In a deter
mined way to obtain relief for the public, he may
depond upon the practically united support of
the people. Under those circumstances tho presi
dent of the United States need fear no man. Re
publican leaders may appeal to the spirit of par
tisanship, and trust magnates may cry "radical
ism," but a president moving resolutely in the
people's behalf will be untouched by any of these
criticisms. He may, for a time, meet defeat at
the hands of a republican senate controlled by the
corporations; but he will yet triumph provided
he rejects all proffers to compromise with the
representatives of special interests and insists
that real evils must be met with real reforms. If
he does not take this determined stand; If ho
yields to the pressure of politicians who pretend
to be solely anxious for party harmony; if he pre
fers to become the political leader of a party
undisturbed by concern for the public welfare,
rather than the courageous and uncompromising
champion of public Interests, then he will fail
and fall. And then it may he written of him as
it was written of another:
Let not Caesar's servile minions
'Mock the Hon thus laid low!
'Twas no foeman's' hand that slew him
'Twas his own that gaye the blow."
JJJ ' -"
A BADGE OF SHAME
The Lake County Herald, published at Paines
ville, Ohio, directs an open letter to Lake county's
representative in the state legislature. It was
reported that this representative had announced
that he expected to receive a railroad pass dur
ing his service, and would accept and use such a
pass. The Herald directs attention to the fact
that this member of the legislature is presumed
to act as the attorney In the state legislature
for the people of Lake county, and that he will
be required to vote on important railroad legis
lation. Tho Herald pleads with this representa
tive to reject the pass, and to stand as a free
representative of public interests.
The appeal is a good one, and it is hoped
it will be heeded. Tho free pass Is one of tho
great evils of the day, and no public official Is
in a position to discharge his .duty to the people
if he places himself under obligations to the cor
porations. The battle against the free pass is not a
temporary struggle. Unless we are prepared to
confess that popular government is a farce, that
battle will -not ceaBe until the pass has been
abolished.
In the meantime let It be understood2 every
where that a freo pass In the hands of .a public
official is a badge of shame.
The Story of Two Resignations
For some reason or other republican editors
who have had so much to say concerning the
forced resignation of United States Attorney Bax
ter in Omaha have had nothing to say concerning
the voluntary resignation of United States Attor
ney Johnson In the Indian Territory. And there
by hangs a tale.
The story is told by the Washington corres
pondent for the Boston Transcript In this way:
United States District Attorney W. B.
Johnson of the southern district of the Indian
Territory has telegraphed his resignation to
the president because the department of jus
tice, acting on the direct order of the presi
dent, has caused the dismissal of certain in
dictments against prominent Indian Territory
men which the district attorney has secured.
Mr. Johnson was nearing tho end of his second
term and had made a successful record. His
was the biggest district in the United States
and he had tried more than 4,000 criminal
cases. Something more than a year ago ho
obtained evidence that the law firm of Mans
field, McMurray & Cornish of South McAllis
ter, Indian Territory, was concerned with
Ex-Governor Mosely, whom Mr. Johnson had
succeeded as district attorney, and Governor
Johnston, chief of the Chickasaw tribe of In
dians, in an attempt to embezzle the funds
of the tribe. The scheme, according to the
evidence, was to present false expense ac-,
counts, which Governor Johnston ordered paid
without vouchers. District Attorney Johnson
submitted to the federal grand jury evidence
showing that the five men had already ob-
tained upward of $92,000 by this means, and
they were all indicted for criminal conspiracy.
The accused men had friends among the
influential republicans of the territory and of
Texas, who were also friends of President
Roosevelt. Through these friends the indicted
men had their case presented to the presi
dent, with the result that an order was issued
from the department of justice at Washing
ton that the cases should be continued over
tho first term of the court, which met in Ard
more, Indian Territory, not long after the
indictments were returned. The success of
that effort led to renewed appeals to tho
president. The accused were trying to have
tho indictments dismissed without going into
court. Secretary Hitchcock heard what was
going on and caused an investigation to be
made on his own behalf. He was satisfied
the indicted men were guilty and should be
brought to trial.
Secretary Hitchcock went to the presi
dent and protested vigorously against any
interference with , the prdcess of the courts.
, He was so emphatic in his argument that Mr.
Roosevelt directed the department of justice
to cause an independent investigation to be
' made. In fulfillment of this direction District
Attorney Johnson was ordered to come to
Washington. He "arrived here last week and
was followed almost immediately by McMur
ray and Cornish. v A hearing was had before
Assistant Attorney General Russell and both
sides went over their evidence. Mr. Johnson
contended that, inasmuch as the men had
been indicted by a federal grand jury they
should be brought to trial, and argued that
if their evidence was as strong a3 they con
tended, and they had such faith in its efficacy,
they should have nothing to fear from a trial.
Mr. Russell reported to Attorney General
Moody that, in his opinion, there was not suffi
cient evidence to insure a conviction. Upon
that report, transmitted to him, Mr. Roose
velt ordered the department of justice to dis
miss the indictments.
Commenting upon this incident the St. Joseph
(Mo.) News-Press says: "Just why the president
of the United States should interfere with the
trial of men whom a faithful officer of the de
partment of justice insisted upon proceeding
against, is neither so easily understood nor easily
adjusted to Mr. Roosevelt's famous 'square deal'
platform. Of course, it may all be explained
away, but .until it is, Mr. Roosevelt Is in a queer
position before the people."
FOR THE GUIDANCE OF YOUNG MEN
A Pittsburg dispatch says that Andrew Car
negie will write a book telling the story of his
life. This dispatch adds:
It is said Carnegie will begin with his
humble birth, trace his efforts to obtain
knowledge from the library of Colonel An
derson of Allegheny, and give in detail his
rise from messenger boy to the head of. the
steel industry. Several chapters in Carnegie's
business career have been filled with bitter
ness. He has intimated he will not shield
himself nor omit his own mistakes in life.
It is Carnegie's hope that the book will be
come a classic for the guidance of young men
who have energy and ambition.
If Mr. Carnegie really desires that his book
shall become a classic he will devote several
chapters in showing the great debt he owes to
the special privileges he has enjoyed under a
republican tariff. Mr. Carnegie may find a hint
of what these particular chapters should con
tain in an editorial printed in the Chicago Trib
une, a republican paper, of May 18, 1902. The
Tribune is not always so frank in dealing with
the tariff question as it was on that occasion,
but at that time it was reported that Mr. Car
negie had offered to pay $20,000,000 for the Phil
ippine islands, providing ho was permitted to as
sure the Filipinos that they would be given their
independence.
Commenting upon this story, the Tribuno
said that the steel magnate "has tried the patience
of his friends severely in some of his late bids
for notoriety." It expressed the opinion that
Mr. Carnegie is constantly posing, and said "he
has scattered libraries broadly throughout the
country, all of which are to be called for him,
and every one of them is 'a contribution to tho
conscience fund.' "
Then the Tribune said:
Mr, Carnegie made his money in a mag
nificent way, but ho should never forget that
he made it through the undue favoritism of
the government of the United States. Owing
to the discrimination -practiced in his favor
by the tariff, ho was enabled to amass a for
tune of $200,000,000, or more, most of which
came out of the pockets of his countrymen
through the operation of unequal laws. Much
has been said of the benefit arising to tho
workingmen from the establishment of the
Carnegie works. The beneflcient tariff sys
tem permitted the works to survive and
flourish, but there are some people who have
not forgotten the Homestead strike, nor the
outrageous manner in which the workingmen
were treated at that time by employers whose
brutality has seldom been exceeded in the
history of labor agitations.
If Mr. Carnegie were not possessed of enor
mous wealth the announcement that he intended
to write the story of his life would be very gen
erally laughed at. But even with all of his
wealth the story will fail of interest unless the
author writes frankly of the great advantages
ho has enjoyed at the expense of the American
people.
To be sure, Carnegie began life as. a poor
boy. Of course he was industrious, and for many
years it was necessary for him to economize. But
most of the men of this country began life as
poor boys; most of them had struggles; most of
them were required to undergo privations.
Carnegie amassed a fortune which is so large
that it is impossible now to estimate it. With
all of his industry, with all of his painstaking
care, he could not have won this enormous for
tune had he not been given extraordinary privi
leges, and all at the expense of his fellows.
If Mr. Carnegie will tell the true story, show
ing how he grew rich through a high protective
tariff; if he will describe the methods he em
ployed in persuading republican politicians to
maintain for his advantage that system which,
as Mr. Roosevelt once said, "is harmful in theory
and vicious in practice;" if he will print a state
ment of the sums of money he has paid into the
republican party's treasury in order that there
would be no interference with his special priv
ileges; if he will tell the truth concerning the
terrible. affair at Homestead then there need be
no apology for the publication of his book. Then
the volume would prove valuable" "for the guid
ance of young men who have energy and aniln
tion." If young men would, however, profit by
the lesson, they should determine to base their
hopes for success upon their own honest and
legitimate efforts rather than, upon a system
which takes from the pockets of the many to mi
the pockets of the. few, and thus makes possible
rich men of the Andrew Carnegie class.
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