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DECEMBER 15, 1905
The Commoner.
3
DECLAMATIONS FAMILIAR IN THE 1896 CAMPAIGN
Tho New York World recalls the fact that in
lis issue of December 31, 1899, it printed from the
pen of Senator .Chauncey M. Depew, the following
very interesting essay on "Honesty:"
Honesty is too much talked about, as if
it were scarce in these days. The business
principles of today are better, purer and moro
universally honest than they were in the days
of my boyhood.
I .have seen many men become wealthy
through dishonest methods, and my experience
with them has taught me this: That most
men who gain wealth dishonestly, if they live
long enough, get poor again. It is almost 'an
invariable rule; and it is reasonable enough,
if you stop to figure it out, for it comes about
in this way: A man employs dishonest meth-
ods and yet he becomes very wealthy. All his
creditors know that his career is just a little
bit shady as regards business methods, but
he sails serenely along until a crucial moment
arrives a moment such as we had last week
when ready money, "cash at any price,"
was the- cry of the maddened brokers.
Then he finds his Waterloo. The credit
which he might have obtained, the confidence
of reliable, reputable firms which he might
have commanded, are not forthcoming.
The main temptation with which the ordi
nary business man of today is beset is the
temptation to- misrepresent his capital or
business prospects, and thus obtain greater
credit. But don't do it; it does not pay. The
old, old adage, "Honesty is the" best policy,"
is the safest motto for every business man to
follow. And I know what I am talking about,
"Bo good and you'll bo happy, but you
S1 h?Va B00d t,me'" may sound vo?y
miSi, 2Lthr?Bh and through. It is easier,
much easier, for an honest man to become
wealthy than for his dishonest brother, who
may seem to prosper for a time; but, mark
my words, his is only a temporary success.
The World intimates that in tho light of re
cent disclosures, comment upon this essay Is at
this time unnecessary. That is all very true, and
Senator Depew's poor old heart must suffer many
an ache when ho reads his interesting and instruc
tive essay of 1899.
But this is not the only IntoreBting declama
tion on "honesty" that Is to bo found in old-time
newspaper files and written by men who, at the
moment posing as the special champions of
honesty" and tho particular "defenders of na
tional honor," have recently been exposed as
men who preached but did not practice.
The files of the New York World say, for
the year 1896, will show that every United States
senator and representative indicted for malfeas
ance in office, every insurance magnate exposed
as an embezzler of his policyholders' money, every
national banker detected in tho act of stealing
the deposits intrusted to him, every federal offi
cial whipped from the service in disgrace, every
"frenzied financier,"' shown before New York's
insurance committee to bo a perjurer posed dur
ing the presidential campaign of 189G as one
divinely ordained to defend tho "national honor"
and as one whose moral convictions were shocked
because tho democratic party In that year charged
to be true tho very facts whioh aro now being
revealed to tho public gaze.
Nor must we forgot that at that time tho
Now York Worldnow so Indignant bocauso of
tho wlckodnoss of those "defenders of national
honor" stood as their faithful and stalwart
sponsor.
Andrews, tho Detroit banker, oxprossod tho
opinion of tho entire outfit of "defenders" whon
ho charged that tho democratic candidate in 189G
was "the dishonest loader of cllshonoflt mon."
Since then It has dovolopod that Andrews em
bezzled the money belonging to tho depositors
of his bank to tho extent of lfGuO,000. Slnco
then It has developed that tho mon whoso mani
festos and interviews tho Now York World and
other newspapers gladly and conspicuously pub.
lishod and all In behalf of tho republican pnrty
were ongagod in playing a gigantic confldonoo
game upon the American people.
Tho appeals they mado to tho consclonco of
mon wore with the viow of obtaining special ad
vantages for themselves nnd now opportunities
for graft. And for all tholr pretonBO and their
bombast there was not, during tho presidential
campaign of 1890, a moro stafwart champion and
a moro willing sponsor than tho Now York World
Itself.
If the World Ik now Booking to mnko amends,
well and good. But It Is to bo hoped that history
will not repeat Itself with respect to that groat
newspaper to tho end that, whllo today It Is
found denouncing the wrong-doing of tho "fren
zied financiers," It will during tho next campaign
bo found lending its powerful influence to tho
support of tho very element It now condemns.
PHRASES FEARFULLY AND WONDERFULLY MADE
The magazine known as "Public Opinion"
says: "Yeller journalism, as exemplified by Mr.
Lawson, seems to have about run its course. Wo
note in tho -very magazines that have been yelling
our national disgraces Into the ears of the public
a tendency toward constructive criticism. This
is a3 it should be. If the 'literature of exposure'
were carried much farther it would make us all
deaf and indifferent. We do not wish to learn
so much of evil as to believe that there is no good
in any man, We know enough now to keep us
busy with remedies for some time."
The disclosures concerning the corrupt prac
tices of men who have pretended to possess a
monopoly upon the virtue and patriotism of the
country need not lead men to the notion that
"there is no good in any man."
The truth is tha,t these pretentious rogues
have not been above suspicion. It was long ago
openly charged that in 189G they used ill-gotten
gains for the purpose of controlling elections, and
while they succeeded in their political efforts, it
was no considerable surprise when the mask was
lifted and their real character was exposed.
What fearfully and wonderfully made expres
sions some of these high class publications coin!
What is "constructive criticism," anyway? Pre
tentious men have been exposed in corrupt prac
tices; it has been shown that they have resorted
to thievery, to perjury and to all manner of
crimes. In the presence of such evils, criticism
should take the form of vigorous condemnation,
and should bo followed by the unrelenting proso
cution of the men guilty of the wrongs.
What "Public Opinion" calls "the literature
of exposure" has not been carried far enough. It
must be clear to every intelligent person that tho
half has not been told, as it must be clear to
every intelligent .person that tho whole truth
must be known if popular government is to bo
preserved.
"Public Opinion" says: "We know enough
now to keep us busy with remedies for some
time." What has become of all this talk of
"publicity" with which "Public Opinion" and other
journals of that class regaled their readers? Why,
just at the moment when the people have ob
tained a mere hint of corruption In high circles,
do these high class publications abandon their
pleas for "publicity" and call a halt lest ordinary
men, reared in accordance with the old fashioned
notions of honesty lose faith in one another?
"We know enough now to keep us busy with
remedies for sometime;" yet where, and when,
have these remedies been applied? We see many
members of congress, some of thorn Indicted by
grand juries, others actually convicted In courts
of justice, and others whoso dlsreputablo acts
have been exposed before tho Insurance commit
tee, yet all holding ofllce. Wo seo men high in
tho councils of tho republican party, and men con
spicuous in commercial circles, accused of tho
theft of trust funds, of giving perjured testimony
and of various crimes. These mon have no de
fense; yet they are permitted to go free.
Why have not some of the remedies been
applied? Ono reason is that wo have not had
half enough of what "Public Opinion" calls "the
literature of exposure." Tho rising tide of pub
lic indignation .finds Itself checked by appeals
put forth by distinguished republicans to the
effect that wo must not Indulge In "hysteria,"
while publications like "Public Opinion" plead
that "constructive criticism" bo applied to ex
isting evils. 4s "a mon's a mon, for a' that, and a'
that," so a thief is a thief, whether he be the hap
less wretch hurried to jail because ho has stolen a
loaf of bread, or a peck of coal, or tho well dressed
rogue of New York who, though ho has stolen
million's, is permitted to escape with his plunder
and required to endure no more serious punish
ment than that involved In "constructive criticism."
A NOVEL CONTESTAND BANQUET
During the past summer a novel contest was
waged in Nebraska under the, supervision of the
state superintendent of public Instruction. The
object of vthe contest was to familiarize the boys
and girls of- the state with the production and
use of corn products. Nebraska is one of the
great corn states of the union, and it is fitting
that the boys and girls be led into the study of
improved methods in corn culture. This contest
aroused great interest and nearly a thousand con
testants were' supplied with seed and made regular
reports to the committee in charge.
On December 14 a majority of the contest
ants met in "Lincoln and in addition to being
awarded prizes were given addresses by promi
nent agriculturists and educators. Ono of the
most interesting features of the contest was the
section devoted to the cooking of corn products.
Naturally the girls took the greatest interest in
this feature, and the good results of their work
ill be felt in the future?
Thi3 novel "corn contest" will have good re
sults along different lines.- Not only will it fa
miliarize the boys and girls with agricultural
work, but it will teach them habits ,of thrift,
industry and observation and benefit them by
bringing them into contact with tho soil and filling
their lungs with fresh air. It is a form of con
test that might with profit be adopted by every
other state in' the union. Anything calculated to
.interest the hoys and girls of tho land in useful
and healthful pursuits should be encouraged, and
the educational departments of the various states
are in position to help along the work.
JJJ
THE TERRITORIES
In his message to congress the president
recommended that Indian Territory and Oklahoma
be admitted as one state, and that New Mexico
and Arizona bo admitted as one state. The presi
dent said: "There is no justification for further
delay', and in his opinion, "the advisability of
making, the four .territories into two states has
been clearly established."
While there is a strong sentiment in the
territories against such a union, it may-be taken
fpr granted that tho people of the four terri
'tories will prefer the jplan suggested by the presi
dent rather than to be kept longer in territorial
form. , . ,, .
Whatever opinions and prejudices may be
held on this point, it must be clear, that there is
no possible hope for the admission of these ter
ritories, at an early day, other than on the lines
suggested by the president. Indeed, The Com
moner believes that It will be difficult for the
president to persuade the republican congress to
act upon his suggestion. Long ago, and repeat
edly, the republican party promised statehood to
these territories, and repeatedly that party has
broken its pledge. But now that the president
has formally recommended a plan, It would seem
the part of wisdom for all who favor the admis
sion of these territories to unite their influence
behind that plan, and work for its accomplishment.
JJJ
APPEALING TO THE COURT8
4
In the light of the nominal punisbmenWh
flicted upon the government land monopolists
by the federal court at Omaha, and the decision
with respect to the Santa Fe rebate cases by the
federal court at Kansas City, one -sentence
in President Roosevelt's mesaag.o, to congress
provides mighty Interesting reading, to wit:
"Events have shown that it Is not possible ade
quately to secure the enforcement of any law of
this kind by incessant appeal to the courts."
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