Ml
NOVEMBER 17, 1005
The Commoner.
3
A "PERMANENT ELECTIONEERING ENGINE"
Democrats everywhere will find great encour
agement in the results of tho recent elections.
But hotly contested as these elections were, and
gratifying as the result must bev to those who
have for so many years, and in spite of great dis
couragements, kept the faith, this was but tho
beginning of tho serious and desperate effort the
American people must engage in if they intend
to obtain relief. They need relief not only from
bossism in municipal and state politics, but from
corporation domination of political affairs.
There is today a "Nick Biddleism" which dif
fprs from the "Nick Biddleism" or Jackson's timo
only because it represents schemes which Nick
Diddle would not have had the hardihood to plan,
even had he not been confronted a Jackson. .
The tactics of the "Nick Biddies" today are
similar to those of Jackson's day. If one would
refresh himself 'tis to the incidents of Jackson's
service in the White House, he would be reminded
that while there may be a difference in degree
between the wicked schemes of the present time
and Jackson's day, there is marked similarity
in the methods employed in both instances in
the effort to1 fasten the shackles upon the people.
In his address to the .abinet, September 18,
1833, Jackson described some of the methods
adopted by the representatives of the bank in
order to bring public sentiment to its side, or at
least to control the majority cr votes in the
election. That this bank had made extensions of
loans so as to bring as large a rortion of tho
people as possible under its power and influence
was a fact pointed out in this address; 'and it
was also said that "it has been disclosed that
some of tho largest loans were granted on very
unusual terms to tho conductors of tho public
press."
According to Jackson:
"Having taken these preliminary stops to ob
tain control over public opinion, tlio bank camo
into congress and asked a new charter. The
object avowed by many of tho advocates of tho
bank was to put tho president to the test, that
the country might know IiIjb final determination
relative to the bank prior to tho ensuing election.
Many documents and articles were printed and
circulated at the expense of tho bank to bring
the people to a favorable decision upon its pro
tensions. Those whom the bank appears to have
made its debtors for the special occasion wero
warned of the ruin which awaited them should
tho president be sustained, and attempts wero
made to alarm tho wholo people Dy painting the
depression in tho price of property and produce
and the general loss, inconvenience, and distress,
which it was represented would immediately
follow the reelection of tho president in opposi
tion to the bank."
Jackson added: "He (the president) met tho
challenge and willingly took tho position into
which his adversaries sought to force him and
frankly declared his unalterable opposition to tho
bank as being both unconstitutional and inex
pedient." The methods referred to in this address by
President Jackson are the methods that are re
sorted to by the representatives of special in
terests whenever the people appeal for relief.
Great literary bureaus are constr acted for the pur
pose of influencing public sentiment, newspapers
are brought under the control of these interests,
debtors are warned of the ruin wliich awaits them
should any plan intended to protect public in
terests be carried out; and in various ways, in
this day, as In Jackson's timo, attempts arc mado
to alarm tho wholo people by painting tho depres
sion in tho price of property and nroduco and tho
general loss, inconvenienco and distress which
it is represented would immediately follow any
cxecutlvo or legislative act to which tho repre
sentatives of theso special interests do not heartily
subscribe.
In one of his messages Jackson snld that ho
had unquestionable proof that tho Bank of tho
United Slates was converted Into a "permanent
electioneering engine;" and ho referred to tho
efforts of tho bank to control public opinion
through tho distress of somo and tho foars of
others.
Tho special interests of today have a "per
manent electioneering englno."
In his farowcll address, Jackson warned tho
American people ngalnst tho money trust. Ho
reminded them that it would require "steady and
perserving exertions" on their part tc check l'e
spirit of monopoly; he warned them that "so many
Interests are united to resist all reform on this
subject that you must not hope tho conflict will
bo a short one nor success easy." Ho congrntu-"
latcd himself that his humble efforts had not
been spared "to restore tho constitutional cur
rency of gold and silver;" he told the people that
In spite of all that had boon done "enough yot
remains to require all your energy and persever
ance;" aud he assured tho people that "the power,
however, is in your hands and the remedy must
and will bo applied If you detcnnln upon It."
Tho evils against which Jacxsou struggled
are moro pronounced In this day than they wore
In Jackson's time; and as clearly shown in tho
results of the recent election fodny, as In .tho
days of Jackson, the power Is in tho people's
hands, and tho remedy will bo applied If they
determine upon it.
ARE THE PEOPLE POWERLESS?"
Recently The Commoner printed an editorial
entitled "Are the People Powerless?" Charles W.
Bowne of Mica, Washington, referring to that
editorial says that "Under our present system
of government the people are powerless unless
our officials are men who are strong enough and
great enough to use their means to protect the
people." Then Mr. Bowne describes in plain
Anglo Saxon a plan that might be followed with
advantage to the people: "If President Roose
velt were to withdraw tho money now held by a
few favored banks; if he wero to kick out of
office every official, high or low, who turned a
favorable ear to monopoly; if he proceeded against
every monopolist who breaks the law, just as he
would against any other criminal;- if he broke,
upon the wheel of public opinion, as he might
do, every senator and every congressman who
upheld monopoly and assisted in robbery and if
he perpetrated a few other little practical jokes
upon the system, ,as he might do, the officers
and members of the system would hardly be in
condition to meet the president after the first
round. They might manage to save a night shirt
apiece out of the wreck of their fortunes, but the
water in their stocks wouldn't serve as a chaser
after the morning dram, and as wind and water is
their principal stock in trade, they would be prac
tically out of business. I would like to see a
president who would do things to the trusts,
just as Andrew Jackson did them to the banks.
Few men even have the opportunity to prove that
they are great, and few of those who do reach
that point, are great enough to withstand tempta
tion. Christ refused the earth and received an
everlasting crown; Caesar refused a crown but
was suspected of wanting it; Napoleon did not
wait to have it offered to him; Washington was
wise enough to know that his fame would be
greater and more lasting if written in the hearts
of the people as the father of a republic than if
written upon the pages of history as Washington
I., King of- America. Roosevelt should not miss
the opportunity of having his name written with
that of Washington, Jefferson, Jackson and Lin
coln, in order to sqe it mentioned. flatteringly by
the press of today, aiid that he may bask in the
smiles of those who are rich and strong'
JJJ
BY THE ENEMY
The Lincoln (Nebraska) Journal, a republican
newspaper and a "stand patter" on the tariff
Question says: "Senator Foraker Is against rail
road regulation, and will introduce a railroad
regulation bill in the senate this winter. Senator
Elkiris is opposed to railroad regulation and will
also introduce a rate regulation bill In congress.
D. M. Parry, who led the robaters' convention
in Chicago has a railroad reform proposition, and
Senator Depew, Kean and Aldrich are yet to
hear from. If we must regulate rates, these gen
tlemen seem to say, by all means let us leave
the matter to the enemies of rate regulation."
Why should a republican "stand-patter" on
the tariff question object when it Is proposed that
railway rate regulation be trusted to the enemies
of rate regulation? Have we not been repeatedly
told by republican newspapers, among which the
Lincoln Journal is conspicuous, that the matter
of tariff reform must bo left to the enemies of
tariff reform?
JJJ
THE CHANDLER BILL
In 1901 the republican congress had an op
portunity to pass a bill prohibiting corporations
from contributing to campaign funds. Mr. Chan
dler, then a United States senator from Ver
mont, introduced in the senate February 2, 1901,
a bill which was referred to the committee on
privileges and elections. This bill was unani
mously reported by the committee, but died
March 4, 1901, when Mr. Chandler left tho senate.
Members of the committee at that time were
Messrs. Chandler, Hoar, Burrows, Prltehard,
McComas, Caffery, Pettus, Turley and Harris of
Tennessee.
This bill was as follows:
"A bill to prohibit corporations from making
money contributions in connection with political
elections.
"Be it enacted by the senate and house of
representatives of the United States of America
in congress assembled," that it shall be unlawful
for any national bank, or any corporation en
gaged in interstate or foreign commerce, or any
corporation organized by authority of any laws
of congress, to make a money contribution in
connection with any election to any political of
fice. It shall also be unlawful for any corporation
whatever to make a money contribution in con
nection with any election at which a representa
tive in congress is to be voted for or with any
election or attempted election of a United States
senator. Every corporation which shall make
anv contribution in violation of the foregoing pro
visions shall be subject to a fine not exceeding
five thousand dollars, and every officer, stock
holder, director, or employe of any corporation
who shall consent to any contribution by the cor
poration in violation .of the foregoing provisions
shall bo subject to a fine of not exceeding one
thousand dollars." ' .'
f
JJJ
WORK FOR JEROME
i i A
Mr. Jerome has a right to no proud of his
victory in New York. Entering the contest as an
independent candidate, he stirred up such en
thusiasm among the voters that the republican
candidate retired in his favor, and Mr. Jerome
was elected by a substantial plurality.
It will not do for Mr. Jerome to recline upon
his laurels. There is Important work for his
office, and during the campaign ho promised that
he would do that work.
Those insurance officials who are responsible
for the frauds recently exposed should be arrested
and prosecuted. Long ago this duty should have
been discharged, and now that he has received
such a flattering compliment at tho hands of the
people, Mr. Jerome owes it to himself and to tho
public to proceed against these insurance mag
nates. These proceedings should be promptly
commenced and vigorously pushed.
JJJ
t THE PRONUNCIATION THEREOF
The Buffalo Evening Times says: "Someone
tells us that 'svoboda' is the Russian cry for
'liberty.' Now let someone tell us how It ..
pronounced." It Is pronounced "visionary" by a
lot of eminent gentlemen Interested In exploiting
the Philippines. It is pronounce I in a whisper by
eight millions of people who fought for it for
years only to find themselves farther away from
it than ever after welcoming their future rulers
as allies and- friends. It Is pronounced "non
sense" by gangsters Interested in retaining con
trol of opportunities for plundering the people.
Time was when it was pronounced just as it is
spelled in English.
JJJ
A DEMOCRATIC MEASURE
During the Ohio campaign Senator Foraker
said: "The proposition to give the power of
making rates to the interstate commerce commis
sion is a democratic measure. It is in tho demo
cratic platform. The republicans refused to put
that plank In their platform."
The people of Ohio appear to have taken
Senator Foraker at his word. They have, by an
overwhelming majority, endorsed the democratic
measure.
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