The commoner. (Lincoln, Neb.) 1901-1923, October 13, 1905, Page 9, Image 9
OCTOBER 13, 1905 The Commoner. 9 BOSSISM IN OHIO POLITICS-A STRIKING REVIEW Columbus, Ohio. October K.--(zZnnt. o resdondence.) The work of active campaigning in Ohio has begun. Both gubernatorial candi dates aro now on the stump and the people of the state aro weighing their words with the greatest care. In his opening address at.Bellofontaine, Gov ernor Herrick said of the veto power and the iitc thereof that "It will be used to prevent ex travagance. It will bo used to defeat laws that plainly violate the constitution or offend the mo ral sentiment of the people." He made this statement in justification of his threat to veto the Brannock local option bill. In the first political speech that Mr. Patti son made after this statement of the governor he pointedly inquired whether Governor Herrick insisted that the original Brannock bill providing for local option in residence districts was an extravagant measure; if not, Mr. Pattison In quired whether that law plainly violated the con-' Ktitution, and called attention to the fact that no lawyer claimed that it would. In fact the greatest change that the governor insisted on was merely a change in figures. If 75 per cent made the law unconstitutional, certainly 55 per cent would havethe same effect. Therefore he must have threatened to veto the bill because it offended the moral sentiment of the people. The fact that every church organization in Ohio, every Sunday school convention and every insti tution allied with the churches approved the measure that the governor threatened to veto and have condemned him in unmeasured terms for his threat goes a long ways towards demon strating that" the original bill did not offend the moral sentiment of the state. In his address at Akron last night Senator Houck, the democratic candidate for lieutenant governor, declared that if Governor Herrick would point to one single church conference? assembly, presbytery, associa tion; to one single educational assembly, one single temperance club or any other organization that is designed for human uplift that is advo cating Governor Herrick's election, he would vote for him himself. Not a single independent news paper and not one of the leading magazines is supporting the governor in his campaign. Night before last Governor Herrick mado a speech jn Akron.' He lost his temper and de clared that the charge that he had dismissed from the state service a large number o veterans of the Civil war was a base lie and defied a demo cratic speaker to produce the proof. On the suc ceeding night, and from the same platform, James A. Rice, democratic candidate for attorney gen oral, read a list of twenty names of veterans of the Civil war who had been dismissed from one institution alone by Governor Herrick, and read nine other names of Civil war veterans who were still holding place In that institution because the local republican committees from counties whence these ,men hail have refused absolutely to recommend civilians to succeed them. Governor Herrick frantically demanded proof of the change of bossism. He desired speci fications and insisted that his opponent, Mr. Pat tison, should present a bill of particulars and cease his generalization. The demand for proof is really laughable. Not an elector in Ohio but knows that George B. Cox is absolute boss of the republican "organization" of the state. It is axiomatic; proof- Is unnecessary; yet Mr. Patti son in one brief speech provided more proof than Governor Herrick or Senator Dick or Mr. Cox can digest in the ensuing four years. He first called attention to the fact, well known and pub lished in all newspapers, that Governor Herrick sent an embassy to Boss Cox in Cincinnati last January to implore and beseech him to permit Governor Herrlckto have a renomination. The fact was published in all republican daily news papers that Governor Herrick himself finally went upon this same mission, and it was proudly heralded in these republican papers that the mis sion was successful and that Cox had given his word to support the governor for re-nomination, whereupon Lieutenant Governor Harding, who until that hour had been a candidate for the gub ernatorial nomination himself, published in his own daily newspaper a bitter editorial withdraw ing from the contest, in which he said: "If Mr. Lox can determine the governorship in 1905, he antnme the UnIted States senator and governor ?" ,?? and 1910 and more than half a million republican voters of th. state can go about their Private affairs, reaping the harvest pf prosperity assured that the party "organization' ' has things adjusted for all time to come." As if that ronSi , efficient proof, Mr. Pattison thereupon reau a letter written by Congressman Shattuck, or Cincinnati to George B. Cox, declining a re- ?.2!5lna,!ion ! con8reBB from the Cincinnati dis- t ai 7, , was not addressed to Congress EL n n a Pon8tItuecy but to his boss, ft.?' Cx- As though the proof might not bo sufficiently strong, Mr. Pattison read a resolu tion adopted by the legislative delegation from Cincinnati In the general assembly, wherein it was unanimously agreed that the votes of the entire delegation should bo cast as Mr. Cox might direct. In Air. Paulson's opinion that smacked something of bossism, and was adopted for the specific purpose of notifying the balance of tho legislators throughout the state that Mr. Cox already had fourteen votes under his control with which to bargain and barter. Fac simile letters which Boss Cox had written to various members of the legislature commanding them to vote for a bill which proposed to turn over the canal system of the state, worth millions of dol lars, to a syndicate of which ho was head, have been published in all tho daily papers in the state, and Mr. Pattison modestly told the hoar d's that he believed these letters provided some evidence of bossism. Fac simile copies of tele phone bills paid by the state and contracted by Mr. Cox for service between his office and tho legislative halls on nearly every day or the last session of the legislature, have been printed, and in Mr. Pattison's opinion, at least, these consti tute proof of bossism. Letters written to tho pub lic school teachers of Cincinnati by Mr. Cox notifying them of his election to the presidency of a bank and soliciting them to turn their ac counts to that bank have been published and some people there aro in Ohio who thinli that these constitute proofs of bossism. Iac simile letters written by Cox to the various mem hers of the legislature calling their attention to cer tain pending bills and commanding them to look after the samo have been published In every newspaper, and even these sound something like bossism. Lincoln Stefans magazine article has been read by nearly every voter in Ohio, in which Cox isrquoted as saying to Ilr. Stefilns that ho is a boss and is proud of it. The magazine articlo of Mr. Cox's friend, Gus J. Kargar, has been re produced by the thousand, the introduction of which refers to tho nomination of the successor to Congressman Bromwell of Cincinnati. A promi nent citizen of that city, who had not been active ly engaged in "organization" politics, learned that Mr. Bromwell was about to retire from congress This prominent citizen had some congressional aspirations and congressional equipment. He wrote to Mr. Bromwell stating that he had learned of his determination to retire from the national legislature and that he desired to be nominated to succeed him. He asked Mr. Bromwell how he should set about it to secure the nomination. Mr. Bromwell went to the telegraph office and sent tills famous message of but two words? "See Cox." Why see Cox unless he is a boss? When the bill abolishing spring elections (which finally became a law) was before tho legislature a state senator, in explaining-his vote, dramatically ex claimed that he was opposed to it, that his con stituency was opposed to it but that the party "leaders" were for it and then like a quivering coward he voted "aye." Most people think that such "leaders" are bosses. Mr. Pattison provided this much proof of the charge of bossism in one brief speech. One hun dred speeches could not provide it all. The result is that the republicans are on the defensive all along their wavering line. In the only speech that either Foraker or Dick have delivered in this campaign they mado a futile attempt to switch the issues from those of state to those of national concern. In doing so Senator Foraker made a covert attack upon Pres ident Roosevelt's tariff and reciprocity policy and a vigorous attack upon his policy of rate legisla tion, solely for the reason that the democratic state platform commended the president in his attitude upon these questions. Senator Foraker placed the republicans of Ohio in this attitude that if they vote for Herrick they attack Presi dent Roosevelt. There is. no escaping this de duction, and the result is that muchas Senator Dick would desire it the fight can not be made on national issues. Governor Herrick and his fellow stumpers must defend themselves from the charge of bossism and graft, and there is no defense. Sen ator Dick announces this morning that most of the members of the cabinet will come to Ohio and appeal to the republicans to stand by the president; but the electors of Ohio will answer such appeals by suggesting that their two sen ators first get in line with the president. They can vote in the senate to sustain him, and the republicans of Ohio have no opportunity to hold up his hands at tho pending election. Tho demo crats aro not opposing him. All in all, Indications this hour nro that Governor Herrick In marching to Ignominious dc icat. I here Is not tho remotest doubt but what Vnn Ofl0 a!ul Mr PuU,o will gain moro than 100,000 honost, conscientious, patriotic republican The proposition (lint confronts tho demo cratic organization now as in the boglnnlng Is soioly one of so onthuslng tho rank and file of the democracy as to induce thorn to go to the pollB on November 7. There Is no doubt about what thoy will do whon they arrive thero. There is no split, no dlscontont, no sournoss on the part of. a single democratic voter In tho state. But recent years of adversity has Induced many to believe that it is no use, and It Is the hope of those charged with the management of tho cum jmlgn that they may bo ablo to show to this class of democrats that their opportunity is now at hand. If the Bryan vote can be polled, or if that vote cm bo approximately pollod, Mr. Patti son will win with a tremendous majority. Unless wo poll this voto what matter is it that we draw so largely from the opposition? What will it profit the democratic party to win half the re publican votes and lose through stay-at-homes half its own? If tho real democrats who voted so vallently in 189G and 1000 will now corno to tho polls, victory will be their portion. Tho op position to Governor Herrick is growing every day, and tho very condition that Mr. Bryan, whon -last in Ohio, predicted now oxists, to-wlf, gover norship, tho state ofllces and legislature are tend ered us by the republican party, and tho only doubt of their acceptance rests upon those demo ocrats who may conclude to stay at homo. Mr. Bryan urged us to got these votes to tho pools. Tt his advico is heeded, and ovory votor In Ohio will be out, the victory will be won. OHIO REPUBLICANS ATTENTIONI The attention of the voters of Ohio la invited to an editorial which recently appeared in .the New York Press, a republican newspaper, and is reproduced on page 14 of this Isbuc. It will bo observed that the Press points out: If, Is a Hlckbnlng farce for republican speakers to go out on tho stump asking votes for a state ticket on tho ground"" that votes against it will be votes agnlnst President Roosevelt when the state platform tacitly says that a vote for it is a vote against tho president in the matter of republican party policy which he holds nearest his heart. Then this republican paper solemnly de clares: The truth remains, which a conscientious voter is compelled to accept, that a victory for the democratic state ticket In Ohio would, theoretically, he more a Roosevelt indorse . ment by the people of Ohio than a popular approval of tho "republican" platform pre pared by Senator Foraker for his friends, the railroads and trusts. Tho Press says that if the republican ticket "escapes ruin in Ohio at the hands of a wrathful electorate it will bo because the aggregate bene fits of republican state government outweigh the evils of party control by Forakerism, and not because the party deserves to succeed on its odious opposition to the cardinal feature of the Roo8eve.lt domestic policy." But, perhaps, the Press has forgotten that there are no "aggregate benefits of republican state government in Ohio," and that many old time republicans have declared for Pattison be cause they recognize the necessity for an over throw of an odious republican state machine, In that view, then, as well as in the consideration ' of railroad rate regulation, which, according to Senator Foraker is a "democratic measure," the Foraker and Cox ticket In Ohio deserves defeat. Every Commoner reader In Ohio who desires to be of service to his state would do well to show this editorial from the New York Press to his republican neighbors. A CORNER IN SUNBEAMS In a speech delivered at Mansfield, Ohio; Eugene V. Debbs said: "It is fortunate that Old Sol is far removed from the earth. If the arm of corporate capital were long enough to reach him there would, long since have been a meter on every sunbeam." That's not at all bad; and in the light of recent disclosures who will say that there is not as much truth as poetry in the statement? A Q