OCTOBER 13, 1905
The Commoner.
9
BOSSISM IN OHIO POLITICS-A STRIKING REVIEW
Columbus, Ohio. October K.--(zZnnt. o
resdondence.) The work of active campaigning
in Ohio has begun. Both gubernatorial candi
dates aro now on the stump and the people of
the state aro weighing their words with the
greatest care.
In his opening address at.Bellofontaine, Gov
ernor Herrick said of the veto power and the
iitc thereof that "It will be used to prevent ex
travagance. It will bo used to defeat laws that
plainly violate the constitution or offend the mo
ral sentiment of the people." He made this
statement in justification of his threat to veto
the Brannock local option bill.
In the first political speech that Mr. Patti
son made after this statement of the governor
he pointedly inquired whether Governor Herrick
insisted that the original Brannock bill providing
for local option in residence districts was an
extravagant measure; if not, Mr. Pattison In
quired whether that law plainly violated the con-'
Ktitution, and called attention to the fact that
no lawyer claimed that it would. In fact the
greatest change that the governor insisted on
was merely a change in figures. If 75 per cent
made the law unconstitutional, certainly 55 per
cent would havethe same effect. Therefore he
must have threatened to veto the bill because it
offended the moral sentiment of the people. The
fact that every church organization in Ohio,
every Sunday school convention and every insti
tution allied with the churches approved the
measure that the governor threatened to veto
and have condemned him in unmeasured terms
for his threat goes a long ways towards demon
strating that" the original bill did not offend the
moral sentiment of the state. In his address at
Akron last night Senator Houck, the democratic
candidate for lieutenant governor, declared that
if Governor Herrick would point to one single
church conference? assembly, presbytery, associa
tion; to one single educational assembly, one
single temperance club or any other organization
that is designed for human uplift that is advo
cating Governor Herrick's election, he would vote
for him himself. Not a single independent news
paper and not one of the leading magazines is
supporting the governor in his campaign.
Night before last Governor Herrick mado a
speech jn Akron.' He lost his temper and de
clared that the charge that he had dismissed from
the state service a large number o veterans of
the Civil war was a base lie and defied a demo
cratic speaker to produce the proof. On the suc
ceeding night, and from the same platform, James
A. Rice, democratic candidate for attorney gen
oral, read a list of twenty names of veterans of
the Civil war who had been dismissed from one
institution alone by Governor Herrick, and read
nine other names of Civil war veterans who were
still holding place In that institution because the
local republican committees from counties
whence these ,men hail have refused absolutely
to recommend civilians to succeed them.
Governor Herrick frantically demanded
proof of the change of bossism. He desired speci
fications and insisted that his opponent, Mr. Pat
tison, should present a bill of particulars and
cease his generalization. The demand for proof
is really laughable. Not an elector in Ohio but
knows that George B. Cox is absolute boss of the
republican "organization" of the state. It is
axiomatic; proof- Is unnecessary; yet Mr. Patti
son in one brief speech provided more proof than
Governor Herrick or Senator Dick or Mr. Cox
can digest in the ensuing four years. He first
called attention to the fact, well known and pub
lished in all newspapers, that Governor Herrick
sent an embassy to Boss Cox in Cincinnati last
January to implore and beseech him to permit
Governor Herrlckto have a renomination. The
fact was published in all republican daily news
papers that Governor Herrick himself finally
went upon this same mission, and it was proudly
heralded in these republican papers that the mis
sion was successful and that Cox had given his
word to support the governor for re-nomination,
whereupon Lieutenant Governor Harding, who
until that hour had been a candidate for the gub
ernatorial nomination himself, published in his
own daily newspaper a bitter editorial withdraw
ing from the contest, in which he said: "If Mr.
Lox can determine the governorship in 1905, he
antnme the UnIted States senator and governor
?" ,?? and 1910 and more than half a million
republican voters of th. state can go about their
Private affairs, reaping the harvest pf prosperity
assured that the party "organization' ' has things
adjusted for all time to come." As if that
ronSi , efficient proof, Mr. Pattison thereupon
reau a letter written by Congressman Shattuck,
or Cincinnati to George B. Cox, declining a re-
?.2!5lna,!ion ! con8reBB from the Cincinnati dis-
t ai 7, , was not addressed to Congress
EL n n a Pon8tItuecy but to his boss,
ft.?' Cx- As though the proof might not
bo sufficiently strong, Mr. Pattison read a resolu
tion adopted by the legislative delegation from
Cincinnati In the general assembly, wherein it
was unanimously agreed that the votes of the
entire delegation should bo cast as Mr. Cox might
direct. In Air. Paulson's opinion that smacked
something of bossism, and was adopted for the
specific purpose of notifying the balance of tho
legislators throughout the state that Mr. Cox
already had fourteen votes under his control
with which to bargain and barter. Fac simile
letters which Boss Cox had written to various
members of the legislature commanding them to
vote for a bill which proposed to turn over the
canal system of the state, worth millions of dol
lars, to a syndicate of which ho was head, have
been published in all tho daily papers in the
state, and Mr. Pattison modestly told the hoar
d's that he believed these letters provided some
evidence of bossism. Fac simile copies of tele
phone bills paid by the state and contracted by
Mr. Cox for service between his office and tho
legislative halls on nearly every day or the last
session of the legislature, have been printed, and
in Mr. Pattison's opinion, at least, these consti
tute proof of bossism. Letters written to tho pub
lic school teachers of Cincinnati by Mr. Cox
notifying them of his election to the presidency
of a bank and soliciting them to turn their ac
counts to that bank have been published and
some people there aro in Ohio who thinli that
these constitute proofs of bossism. Iac simile
letters written by Cox to the various mem hers
of the legislature calling their attention to cer
tain pending bills and commanding them to look
after the samo have been published In every
newspaper, and even these sound something like
bossism.
Lincoln Stefans magazine article has been
read by nearly every voter in Ohio, in which Cox
isrquoted as saying to Ilr. Stefilns that ho is
a boss and is proud of it. The magazine articlo
of Mr. Cox's friend, Gus J. Kargar, has been re
produced by the thousand, the introduction of
which refers to tho nomination of the successor
to Congressman Bromwell of Cincinnati. A promi
nent citizen of that city, who had not been active
ly engaged in "organization" politics, learned that
Mr. Bromwell was about to retire from congress
This prominent citizen had some congressional
aspirations and congressional equipment. He
wrote to Mr. Bromwell stating that he had learned
of his determination to retire from the national
legislature and that he desired to be nominated
to succeed him. He asked Mr. Bromwell how he
should set about it to secure the nomination. Mr.
Bromwell went to the telegraph office and sent
tills famous message of but two words? "See
Cox." Why see Cox unless he is a boss? When
the bill abolishing spring elections (which finally
became a law) was before tho legislature a state
senator, in explaining-his vote, dramatically ex
claimed that he was opposed to it, that his con
stituency was opposed to it but that the party
"leaders" were for it and then like a quivering
coward he voted "aye." Most people think that
such "leaders" are bosses.
Mr. Pattison provided this much proof of the
charge of bossism in one brief speech. One hun
dred speeches could not provide it all.
The result is that the republicans are on
the defensive all along their wavering line.
In the only speech that either Foraker or
Dick have delivered in this campaign they mado a
futile attempt to switch the issues from those of
state to those of national concern. In doing so
Senator Foraker made a covert attack upon Pres
ident Roosevelt's tariff and reciprocity policy and
a vigorous attack upon his policy of rate legisla
tion, solely for the reason that the democratic
state platform commended the president in his
attitude upon these questions. Senator Foraker
placed the republicans of Ohio in this attitude
that if they vote for Herrick they attack Presi
dent Roosevelt. There is. no escaping this de
duction, and the result is that muchas Senator
Dick would desire it the fight can not be made
on national issues.
Governor Herrick and his fellow stumpers
must defend themselves from the charge of
bossism and graft, and there is no defense. Sen
ator Dick announces this morning that most of
the members of the cabinet will come to Ohio
and appeal to the republicans to stand by the
president; but the electors of Ohio will answer
such appeals by suggesting that their two sen
ators first get in line with the president. They
can vote in the senate to sustain him, and the
republicans of Ohio have no opportunity to hold
up his hands at tho pending election. Tho demo
crats aro not opposing him.
All in all, Indications this hour nro that
Governor Herrick In marching to Ignominious dc
icat. I here Is not tho remotest doubt but what
Vnn Ofl0 a!ul Mr PuU,o will gain moro than
100,000 honost, conscientious, patriotic republican
The proposition (lint confronts tho demo
cratic organization now as in the boglnnlng Is
soioly one of so onthuslng tho rank and file of
the democracy as to induce thorn to go to the
pollB on November 7. There Is no doubt about
what thoy will do whon they arrive thero. There
is no split, no dlscontont, no sournoss on the
part of. a single democratic voter In tho state.
But recent years of adversity has Induced many
to believe that it is no use, and It Is the hope of
those charged with the management of tho cum
jmlgn that they may bo ablo to show to this class
of democrats that their opportunity is now at
hand. If the Bryan vote can be polled, or if
that vote cm bo approximately pollod, Mr. Patti
son will win with a tremendous majority. Unless
wo poll this voto what matter is it that we draw
so largely from the opposition? What will it
profit the democratic party to win half the re
publican votes and lose through stay-at-homes
half its own? If tho real democrats who voted
so vallently in 189G and 1000 will now corno to
tho polls, victory will be their portion. Tho op
position to Governor Herrick is growing every
day, and tho very condition that Mr. Bryan, whon -last
in Ohio, predicted now oxists, to-wlf, gover
norship, tho state ofllces and legislature are tend
ered us by the republican party, and tho only
doubt of their acceptance rests upon those demo
ocrats who may conclude to stay at homo. Mr.
Bryan urged us to got these votes to tho pools. Tt
his advico is heeded, and ovory votor In Ohio
will be out, the victory will be won.
OHIO REPUBLICANS ATTENTIONI
The attention of the voters of Ohio la invited
to an editorial which recently appeared in .the
New York Press, a republican newspaper, and is
reproduced on page 14 of this Isbuc.
It will bo observed that the Press points
out:
If, Is a Hlckbnlng farce for republican
speakers to go out on tho stump asking votes
for a state ticket on tho ground"" that votes
against it will be votes agnlnst President
Roosevelt when the state platform tacitly
says that a vote for it is a vote against tho
president in the matter of republican party
policy which he holds nearest his heart.
Then this republican paper solemnly de
clares: The truth remains, which a conscientious
voter is compelled to accept, that a victory
for the democratic state ticket In Ohio would,
theoretically, he more a Roosevelt indorse
. ment by the people of Ohio than a popular
approval of tho "republican" platform pre
pared by Senator Foraker for his friends, the
railroads and trusts.
Tho Press says that if the republican ticket
"escapes ruin in Ohio at the hands of a wrathful
electorate it will bo because the aggregate bene
fits of republican state government outweigh the
evils of party control by Forakerism, and not
because the party deserves to succeed on its
odious opposition to the cardinal feature of the
Roo8eve.lt domestic policy."
But, perhaps, the Press has forgotten that
there are no "aggregate benefits of republican
state government in Ohio," and that many old
time republicans have declared for Pattison be
cause they recognize the necessity for an over
throw of an odious republican state machine,
In that view, then, as well as in the consideration '
of railroad rate regulation, which, according to
Senator Foraker is a "democratic measure," the
Foraker and Cox ticket In Ohio deserves defeat.
Every Commoner reader In Ohio who desires
to be of service to his state would do well to show
this editorial from the New York Press to his
republican neighbors.
A CORNER IN SUNBEAMS
In a speech delivered at Mansfield, Ohio;
Eugene V. Debbs said: "It is fortunate that Old
Sol is far removed from the earth. If the arm
of corporate capital were long enough to reach
him there would, long since have been a meter
on every sunbeam."
That's not at all bad; and in the light of
recent disclosures who will say that there is not
as much truth as poetry in the statement?
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