The Commoner.
, VOLUME 5, NUMBER
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IN AN INTERVIEW recently printed In the
Chicago Examiner, Mayor Dunne of Chicago,
roforring to his municipal ownership plan, said:
"The plan was devised that we might get im-
mediate action. The sole purpose of the building
company is to bridge over the time that must
necessarily elapse before the city can pay for
the property and take over the operation. If
wo could buy the lines today, or even if we
owned thorn, wo could not operate, and some
such plan as that I have proposed would have to
be worked out to bridge us gver the period re
quired to get authority to operate. I believe in
municipal operation and want to bring it about
as soon as possible; whether we buy or build
I shall press a referendum that will enable us
- to operate, but while we are working for munici
pal operation, let us either buy and rehabilitate
or else build, so that we may have something
to operate when the time conies."
LOUIS F. POST in his paper, "The Public,"
says that in the statement printed in The
Examiner: "Mayor Dunne has removed all pub-
- lie excuse for supposing that in recommending
his 'contract plan' for introducing municipal own
ership and operation of the Chicago street car
system he contemplated abandoning his original
policy. That is the situation in a nutshell, and
the newspaper agents of the traction ring knew it
when, with false headlines, deceptive editorials
and fraudulent news dispatches, they undertook
to make the public believe otherwise." The St.
Louis Mirror, referring to the same subject, says:
'It looks as if Mayor Dunne has 'got 'em on the
run,' no matter how the daily papers may try to
befog the situation and conditions in Chicago, in
the interests of the franchise oligarchies in all
the cities of the union. The traction
companies are coming to time, even while play
ing for delay. Their only hope is, now, to stave
things off uritil Dunne's term expires, but this
they will hardly be able to do, for if they pro
tract the difficulty, the people will re-elect
Dunne."
THERE IS A noticeable silence on the part
of the republican newspapers concerning
the disclosures showing the absorption of policy
holders' money by the republican campaign funds.
Louis F. Post, writing in "The Public" says that
this silence is "as grand in its way as the grand
old party itself," adding: "There is an air of
modesty about them which recalls the modesty
of one of Cable's' 'Cajan characters, who was
'so modest he was almost shy.' Nor are the man
agers of the party a bit more ostentatious. Ob
serve, for example, Cornelius N. Bliss, the treas
urer, who received f and disbursed this boodle in
behalf of the republican presidential candidates.
He has 'nothing to say to anyone at any time
on any matter in connection with this subject.'
There you have the kind of silence that usually
goes with addition and division. And Mr. Chair
man Cortelyou, who succeeded to "Hanna's place
In the work of pointedly soliciting unlawful con
tributions of this character out of corporation
treasurers, he, too, is silent. As to Mr. Roose
velt, he is by no means as loquacious as he was
before this annoying thing got found out."
GEORGE W. PERKINS, testifying before New
York's insurance committee, suggested that
insurance companies should be empowered by
law to "contribute 25, 50 or 75 cents from each
policyholder" for campaign purposes. Writing in
"The Public," Louis F. Post refers to Mr. Perkins
as "a moral dullard, incapable of comprehending
the turpitude of diverting trust funds of policy
holders in life insurance companies." Referring
to Mr. Perkins' statement Mr. Post says: "The
former robberies of policyholders having been
unearthed, he would have future larcenies of the
same kind legalized. The policyholders of the
'Big Three insurance companies number millions,
and in New York state alone probably half a mil
lion of them are democrats. Think of the mora'l
obliquity of a man who, caught redhanded in a
theft of his clients' funds, coolly -proposes that
he and two or three others similarly situated
shall hereafter be legally authorized to take the
money of these half million voters to use it to
defeat the candidates they intend to vote for.
Following and confirming the Lawso disclos
ures of an utter lack- of moral perception among
the kings of high finance, this incident ought
still further to disillusionize the people of the
nation of tho notion that these men are one whit
better disposed toward property rights than so
many Captain Kidds."
C1LARENCE H. VENNER, of New York, has
J written an open letter to John A. McCall,
president of the New York Life Insurance com
pany, demanding Mr. McCall's resignation. Mr.
Venner carries a $50,000 policy in the New York
Life company, and he says that Mr. McCall's
testimony shows that he claims "the right to use
the funds of the' New York Life Insurance com
pany with as much freedom and as little account
ability as if they belonged to his own private
purse." Concerning Mr. McCall's testimony re
garding the $235,000 paid to Andrew Hamilton,
Mr. Venner says: "The public and the policy
holders of the New York Life are not credulous
enough to believe that kind of. a tale. But wheth
er or not your testimony be true, you have con
victed yourself of such gross incompetency, arro
gance and recklessness in the management of
the funds of the New York Life and of such un
businesslike methods, that you no longer com
mand the confidence of the policyholders, and
should not have control of a corporation posses
sing over $400,000,000 of assets."
A WASHINGTON DISPATCH to the Chicago
Record-Herald says: "It is roiighly esti
mated that the presents which Miss Roosevelt
has received from the Empress of China, the Em
peror of Japan, the Emperor of Korea, the Sultan
of Jolo and others in the far east will reach a
cash value not far short of $100,000. Miss Roose-
velt was placed in a position where she could
not decline any of the presents without giving
offense. The gifts came to her as the represent
ative of the government, although she did not
travel with any such credentials. As the daugh
ter of the president, she was Regarded by the
Orientals as they regard the reigning families
of European kingdoms. The gifts were tokens
of friendship and good will for the United States
and Miss Roosevelt could not have declined any,
not even the pearl from the Sultan of Jolo, with
out placing this government in the attitude of re
jecting friendly overtures."
SINCE MARCH, 1905, when filings were autho
rized for trial at the fall term of the circuit
court, 910 divorce suits according to a correp
pondent for the New York World have been filed
in Kansas City. This correspondent estimates, the
number will reach one thousand before the period
for filing terminates, and says: "As there are
about 40,000 families in Kansas City the filing of
1,000 divorce suits in six months means that legal
separations are being sought at the rate of 5
per cent a year. These 1,000 divorce suits will
be divided up among the five divisions of the
circuit court, and will be sufficient to keep them
all grinding at the rate of one case an. hour, eight
hours a day, during the entire month of October."
TTCASHINGTON DISPATCHES say that the
V dominating recommendation of the presi
dent's message to congress will be the railroad
rate legislation, and the president will make an
effort to focus the attention of the country upon
the senate, in order to secure action on that sub
ject. The Washington correspondent for the
Baltimore Sun says: "The houso passed the
Townsend rate bill, with amendments, on Febru
ary 9 last. On the following day the senate re
ferred the bill to the committee on interstate
commerce, where it was pigeonholed. On Feb
ruary 28 Senator Kean, of New Jersey, offered
a resolution, which, when favorably reported from
the committee on interstate commerce, was
passed by the senate on March 2, directing the
committee to hold hearings during the
summer recess with a view to reporting a bill
to the senate at the coming session. The avowed
object of the Kean resolution was to allow further
lapse of time for 'mature consideration of so
grave a question,' but it is common knowledge
that the senate did not care to enact railroad
legislation such as was desired by the president.
Since the matter is pending before the senate,
house loaders will endeavor to hold the senate
strictly responsible by endeavoring to concentrate
public opinion upon that body and singling it
out as the obstacle in the path of railroad Wh
lation." m'
THE SUN'S CORRESPONDENT thinks thai
this idea is not new in legislation. He ei
plains: "It was observed during the extra ses
sion which was called in the fifty-third congress
in August, 1893, for the passage of tho wiw
bill to repeal the silver purchase clause of tho '
Sherman law. The house passed that measure
August 28, 1893 sixteen days after congress be
gan its extraordinary session. It was recognized
at the time that the senate would be the obstacle
in the way of securing that legislation. Conse
'quently the house did nothing after passing the
bill. Sentiment throughout the country and the
influence of Mr. Cleveland w,ere concentrated on
the senate, and the bill was finally passed in
spite of tremendous opposition. Again, in the
fifty-fifth congress, President McKinley convened
an extra session for the passage of a tariff bill.
The house was not organized further than the
election of officers and the appointment of the
ways and means committee. The house consid
ered and formulated the Dingley tariff bill. At
that time the republicans did not have a majority
in the senate, lacking two, and because of this
it was recognized that it would bo almost next
to impossible to pass a republican tariff bill, but
the house, under the leadership of Speaker Reed,
adjourned for three days at a time. There were
no more committees appointed and no legislation
was attempted by the "house while the senate
was considering the Dingley bill, which left the
press and the executive free to exert all the in
fluence at their command on the hotly that was
considering the legislation. In a very much
shorter time than would otherwise have been
the case the bill became a law and was signed
by President McKinley."
IT IS SAID that friends of the president be
lieve the senate will not dare doom railroad
legislation, if the influence of the executive and
public opinion can be focused upon the senate
through the refusal of the house leaders to allow
the, introduction of rate legislation in the house,
which would attract attention from the proceed
ings in the senate. The Sun's correspondent
says: "Prominent house leaders are quietly at
work in favor of this policy and are careful in
explaining that their policy is not one of hostility,
but in the interest of the enactment of railroad
rate legislation. They desire it to be clearly un
derstood that inaction by the house until the
senate shall have acted must not be misinter
preted as opposition to railroad legislation. It
is not believed it will be necessary to embody
this policy in caucus action, but if there is party
dissension or opposition house leaders may go
into caucus to formulate their policy. One tiling
in the way of withholding consideration in tlie
house while the measure is pending in the sen
ate will be the individual ambition of members
-of tho house to be credited with initiation or
the legislation finally enacted. While it is laud
able for members to have important legislation
known under their names, it is believed such am
bition should not interfere with securing the ae
sired legislation in the most practical form at tut
earliest date."
A CCORDING TO THIS same authority "every-
thing favors action in the senate first on
the railway bill." This- correspondent adds.
"Senator Elkins, chairman of the senate commu
tee on interstate commerce, which has been Hom
ing hearings on the question, has issued a can
for a meeting of his committee on November id
three weeks before congress meets in reeuia
session to frame a rate bill. The indications
are that an attempt will be made in this commu
tee to frame an entirely new bill instead oi ie
porting the house bill in amended form to u
senate. Either method would develop the niu
tude of the senate and leave, the ultimate s w ub
gle to the house or to a compromise In c01""
ence. The object of the early meeting of the su
ate committee is to avoid an extra session. "
ident Roosevelt last spring Intended calime
extra session, but has been putting it off. u
pressure has been brouehj: to bear by momo' i
who have argued that little could be accompiisi"
in advance of the regular session. He lias
yet definitely made up his mind, but will pruu
ably not call aii extra session if he can-be assuu
