- -- ev-'pvgfm(ky-
r
2
welfare or it will win opprobrium by turning
ugultiHt tho people.
U will become tho tool of those special inter
ests that lmvo discredited tho republican party or
it will bo tho faithful servant of the people, whoso
interests it was created to protect and whose wel
fare it must seek to promote if it hopes to survive.
Attention is again called to the primary pledge
printed on page eleven of this issue. Editors of
democratic newspapers are urged to direct the at
tention of their readers to this plan and the prac
tical assistance of every man who sympathizes
with the principles for which tho democratic party
is presumed to stand is requested In behalf of this
movement.
It is to bo hoped that every subscriber to Tho
Commoner will carefully read tho extracts printed
on pages five and seven of this issue. These let
tors show that their writers are not only in sym
pathy with Tho Commoner's efforts to keep the
democratic party worthy of its name, but that they
are determined to devote their energies in behalf
of tho cause.
Let no man imagine that this work of orga
nization has been commenced too soon. Time
flies very rapjdly, and every minute, every hour
and overy day presents an important duty to the
domocrat who believes that his party should stand
for tho masses rather than for tho classes.
Let no democrat underestimate the size of
the task which lias been assumed by those who
havo gone forth determined to do battle in defense
of the rights of men. Those who arrogantly as
sume to themselves the impossible title of "trus
tees of God" havo in the past on many occasions
used their ill-gotten wealth for the purchase not
only of public officials, but for the control of elec
tionsand all In their selfish interests. They
will not hesitate in tho future to use money and
every artifice that may bo devised by tho ingenious
men whom they employ to retain the special privi
leges they now enjoy and to prevent any inter
ference with those privileges.
Let every democrat devote himself to the ef
fort to keep his party pure and to make it faith
fully and thoroughly representative of public in
terests. Let him strive to place his panty in a
position where, even though it may not win suc
cess, overy democrat may conscientiously say it
deserves success.
JJJ
A FEW QUESTIONS ANSWERED
A Texas reader submits the following ques
tions which are answered, tho answers following
tho questions.
1. Conceding that the government of the
United States is ono of the leading, in every way
the strongest of the civilized governments of the
world, with authority from its people to coin and
issuo money in suflicient quantities or volume to
moot the demands upon it for debts due or coming
due, can there by any reason or necessity for the
issuance of interest bearing bonds in order to nav
these debts? J
As the value of a dollar depends upon tho
number of dollars, a large issue of paper money
would naturally increase prices and reduce the
valuo of a dollar. The main objection urged to
paper money issued by the government is that its
volume can bo increased or decreased by law and
that because of this fact the stability of the dol
lar is In danger. If, as the democrats contend
tho government should exercise the right to issue
whatever paper money we need instead of turning
this power over to banking corporations, it would
sometimes be possible to issue paper money in
stead of bonds, to the advantage of the neonle It
does not follow that, because a government 'can
issue paper money, it should never issue bonds
Circumstances must determine which is the wisest
course to pursue. k
If paper money is to be issued it ought to be
Issued in such a way as to assist in maintaining
the stability of the dollar-that is, the parity be
tween money and property, and not in such a
way as to disturb tho stability of the dollar. At
present the government is in the hands of those
who not only oppose tho issuance of more pS
money by the government, but are tryingfo retire
the paper money now in circulation. It must bo
remembered that tho republican party, as now or
ganized, opposes the issue of paper money bv -the
government and favors the retirement of to
paper money we have and the substitution of bank
notes for it. Tho democratic party favors tho
issuo of paper money by the government ni?
would substitute government noteffor bk notS?
the government notes, according to tho nlntformL'
of 1S9G and 1900, to be redeemable V c on
asTe'coln.0"111116111 eXGrCiSlUg the olS
The populist party is with the domocrntio
party as to tho right of tho government 7c ? issue
The Commoner.
paper money, but favors a paper money not re
deemable in any other kind of money.
2. In case this government should fall short
of ready cash to pay the expense of the building
of the Panama canal, will there arise an unavoid
able necessity for the issuance of bonds in order to
get the money with which to do it?
If the government is in the hands of those who
oppose tho issue of paper money by the govern
ment, any extra demands for money exceeding
the current revenues must be met by an issue of
bonds, whether this extra demand is caused by
the construction of the Panama canal or by a fall
ing off in revenues.
3. If this government is as resourceful as it
claims to bo, and still owes millions of dollars of
interest bearing bonds, why is it that the per
capita circulation is not far in excess of what it
is, and why is it that the current revenues of the
government should not pay its current expenses?
The quantity of interest-bearing bonds has no
direct connection with the per capita circulation
or with the current revenues. Of course, the per
capita circulation could be increased by issuing
non-interest bearing paper In the redemption of
interest bearing bonds, but that would not neces
sarily follow the endorsement of the doctrine of
government paper, for the thing aimed at should
be the maintenance of a sufficient volume of
money, not the conversion of all interest-bearing
obligations into paper money. The per capita cir
culation does not affect the question of deficit
or surplus except insofar as it may make it
easier for the people to pay taxes. The tax sys
tems determine the quantity of taxes to be col
lected, and the quantity collected, together with
the appropriations, determines whether there shall
be a surplus or a deficit.
4. Conceding that the bonds sold to them by
the government are still in the hands of the bond
holders, and the money which they paid for them,
is neither in the hands of the people, nor in the
government treasury, can you explain where the
money so derived, can be located?
When bonds are sold the bonds go into the
hands of the bond-holders (and are subject to
transfer) and the money paid for them goes into
the treasury of the government. This money can
only be paid out as other moneys are paid out by
the treasury. "When bonds are issued, not to fur
nish money for current expenses or for some extra
expenditure, but to redeem other kinds of money
there is liable to be an accumulation in the treas
ury. For instance, under the present ruling of
tho treasury the holders of greenbacks and treas
ury notes can present them and demand gold
The greenbacks and treasury notes are then held
in the treasury in the place of the gold, and if the
gold runs low the government issues bonds and
buys more gold. This gold also goes into the
treasury, and thus money is withdrawn from circu
lation and accumulated in the treasury.
JJJ
WILLIAMS INDUSTRIAL COLLEGE
At Little Rock, Ark., there is located an Indus
trial school for the education of colored boys and
girls. The school is under the manaeomS nt
Rev Rufus S. Stout and counts am?ng UsTrustees
such men as ex-Governor Dan W Jone? S a
B. Poe, and Col. Geo. Thornburg Th lirSZ'
departments embrace agriculture horSnSi.tr,al
carpentering, cabinet-making painting Sre'
harness-making, dress-making, oj L? taSS?
ng, tailoring and general domestic Slni y"
five buildings, thre of vtotowT00?1
The school has made a ZnZ! , built last year
generosity of tW ih snUCCessful aieal to tho
work and is becomln? moSG aquainted with its
a means of devSSi thllS J0? eflicient
vicinity, bufi of that
The Commoner takeS ToaSiM fn if t0 SUpport'
attention of its readers mging it to the
JJJ
CONGRESSMAN SCUDDER'S VOTE
letter from
democrats who voted agamsUhn .,ono ?f tho sI
jw II passed the house Tl?roa(1 rate bl
ettor a bill of some length iStJ?iClos?8 with th
he 18th day of Febri a ?v T mCed by hIm on
m The Commoner o Uhe l?S fofl rial n
'ate bill passed tho house Bnbru,ary aml th-Q
it is not sufficient defense of ,?ays eforo that;
duce a bill of his own nft! i, his voto to Intro
the house WvZ&ltotoajS
nau no chance for
yOLUME 5 NUMBER
consideration. It will he noticed that in hi i
he expressed fear that the Esch-Townsem n e r
enacted into law, "would centralize in an arm
nartisan Government a nowcr rinncrL.. ? U
government and- its institutions." This is in
ment that has become quite familiar of iate n
railroads defy the state governments whenever?
latter attempt to do anything, and express ai,!
fear of centralization when the federal governmf!
attempts to do anything. There is danger of o!
tralization, but It does not arise from the effort
restrain corporations engaged in interstate com
inerce. There is infinitely more danger in th
proposition advanced by the railroads that ran
roads ought to he Incorporated by the federal m
ernment.
Centralization does not come from restraining
legislation nearly so much as from federal grants
If Mr. Scudder really favors the protection of the
public from railroad extortion and discrimina
tion, as his bill would indicate, he ought to have
voted 'for the Esch-Townsend bill as the best thine
obtainable under the circumstances, just as nearly
all the rest of the democrats voted for that bill
not because they thought it perfect, but because it
was the best bill they could hope for from a re
publican congress. The fact that only five other
democrats joined Mr. Scudder in voting against
the bill is proof that either they do not take the
same view of railroad legislation as their demo
cratic colleagues or that they differed from them
in judgment as to the efficacy of the measure.
JJJ
TOLSTOY ON GOVERNMENT
Count Tolstoy, the great Russian philosopher,
has recently written a letter, widely published in
this country, discussing the Russian government
and making some statements which are broad
enough to imply condemnation of all forms of
government.
The editor of The Commoner has received
some inquiries in regard to this letter. It has been
asked whether Tolstoy in condemning our govern
ment with the Russian government suggests any
substitute for government. Ip. the first place,
Tolstoy places emphasis upon the individual's re
generation. He contends that until the proper re
lation is established between one's self and his
God he does not understand the purpose of life
and therefore does not know how to conduct him
self with reference to his own happiness or the
happiness of others. In his essays he complains
that scientists busy themselves with investigations
regarding the age of the earth, the distance of tho
stars, and with the study of the yarious "ologies,"
neglecting the most important of all sciences,
namely how to live. His philosophy rests upon
the doctrine that man, being a child of God and
a brother of all the other children of God, must
devote himself to the service of his fellows, and it
must be admitted that a rivalry in the service of
others presents an entirely different situation from
a rivalry the object of which is to compel service
to one's self. He argues that when the units aro
living according to the proper theory of life, the
whole will be harmonious, and he believes that tho
regeneration of the units can be brought about
not by force or violence but by the influence
exerted by the example of those whose lives are
built upon this Ideal.
Convinced that his plan would regenerate the
world, restore peace between man and man and
substitute everywhere the gospel of servico for
pride and selfishness, he counts as of little valuo
a government which, without purifying the spring
simply attempts to filter enough of the water to
make life endurable. Having lived under the
dark shadow of Russian absolutism and despotism,
he has seen only the mailed hand of government,
and it is not strange that when he speaks of gov
ernment he should have in mind the evils that
flow from the rule of cruel, ambitious and mercen
ary monarchs. To confound a government as it
sometimes is with a government' as it should .do,
would be like confounding a conflagration with a
fire in a stove. The oafe is disastrous, the other
beneficial.
There is no doubt that oven tho best of
governments will err, but with the progress of civ
ilization governments ought tp contain a less ana
less percentage of harmful ingredients and In in
creasing percentage of helpfulness. We have al
ready seen a great change in the punishment w
criminals Formerly a large number of crimw
were punished by death. Now the death pennuj
is reserved for two or three, crimes only, a
prisons have become reformatories rather than i
stitutions for the infliction of vindictive nunisu
ment. Wars, while still distressingly frcquont aro
destined to give place to arbitration, and tnw
governments will cease to devot'o themselves
the taking of human life.
t,,wK5 n
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