&
ir
y&
t
a
I'
r. -
(?WV '
2
ttttontion of tho peoplo away from economic ques
tions. But tho plutocratic Influences grow and
flourished with republican success. Now privileges
wcro granted and now methods of exploitation in
vented, with tho inovitablo result-an awakening
of tho public to tho dangers ahead. Tho "stand
pnt" element in tho republican party was strong
enough In tho last convention to prevent tho
adoption of a platform protest, and tho reactionary-element
In tho democratic party was strong
enough to eliminate, for tho time being, some of
tho radicalism in tho democratic paltform. But
noithor convention could stay tho growth of sen
tlmont among tho people, and as a result tho
democratic candidate, believed to bo oven more
conservative than his patform fell a million and
a quartor below tho democratic vote of 1900, and
tho republican candidate, believed to bo more
radical than his platform ran somo four hun
dred thousand vo, s ahead of his party's vote four
years boforo, while tho socialist party tho most
radical party In tho held gained more than three
hundred per cent in its vote.
As comploto returns of tho election camo in,
it bocamo evident that a great deal of independent
voting was done. While Massachusetts and Minne
sota went strongly republican, they elected dem
ocratic governors. Peabodyism was overthrown in
Colorado, and Folk carried Missouri in spite of
the fact that tho electoral voto of tho state was
given to Roosevelt. LaFollette, tho pioneer re
former, was ro-olected governor in Wisconsin, in
spito of tho opposition of tho corporate clement
of his party, and in Michigan, Rhode Island, Ne
braska, Kansas and Wyoming, tho democratic and
fusion candidates ran far ahead of their national
tickots.
No aoonor was tho election over than signs
of tho coming awakening began to multiply. One
of tho most encouraging, was tho message of re
tiring Governor Durbin of Indiana. Ho pointed
out tho political corruption In Indiana, and called
for a romody. Governor Adams of Colorado called
attention to tho corruption of tho franchise in his
state, and asked for remedial legislation .
Governor Folk of Missouri, Governor Hanloy
of Indiana, and Governor Moado of Washington,
in their inaugural messages called attention to tho
practices of tho lobby and to the evil of the rail
road pass.
LaFollotto of Wisconsin, Folk of, Missouri and
Doneon of Illinois urged the passage of primary
laws for tho purpose of giving tho "voters' in each
party absolute control over tho party organiza
tion, and Governor Folk went even farther and
advised a return to home rulo in cities, pointing
out the ovil effect of legislation which takes tho
control of municipal affairs out of tho hand3 of
tho people of tho city.
Whilo theso recommendations wore being
made in tho states, tho presidont signalized his
olection by announcing his determination not to
bo a candidato for another torm, thus putting him
self in a position to act with independence and
to prove his independence of party organizations
ho recommended legislation to make public tho
campaign contributions received, and ho also
urged legislation onlarging tho scopo of the in
terstate commerce law.
In addition to this, ho has put himself on
record in favor of a reduction of tho tariff where
it shelters monopoly, and has given indications
of an Intention to proceed more vigorously against
the trusts.
Whilo these things are going on in official
circles, privato individuals have been pointing out
tho excesses and ovil practices of tho Wall street
financiers. Mr. Lawson, in his articles on "Fren
zied Finance," In Everybody's Magazine, has
shaken conlldenco in tho honesty of somo of the
principal stock operators and has given tho pub
lic needed Information in regard to tho methods
omployed. Mr. Beardsley, in tho Era, has uttered
a warning note against tho manner in which tho
large insurance companies manipulate, for their
own advantago, the .assets which they hold in
trust. Miss Tarbell has given us a history of tho
criminality of tho Standard Oil trust, and Mr
Bridge has rovoaled tho inside history of tho steel
trust. Court Investigations have contributed to
the general information upon the subject and cast
suspicion upon tho integrity of some of tho chief
promoters. All of these disclosures tend in tho
samo direction-namely, toward tho purification
of politics and the bringing of tho government
nearer tho people. "Back to tho people ta
expression that is being heard with more and
more frequency, it is evident that the d ocrati
party, cured by soro experience of its IncSnn
SUSSTTSS TeLcmSnetdobby ? rod of a"
ttht for the supUo(J IVXVT
The Commoner.
management and in public affairs. Renewing its
trust in tho masses, as taught by Jefferson, and
acknowledging tho spirit of democracy as exem
plified by Jackson, it will in tho next campaign
bo in position to do yeonian service in behalf
of tho common people.
Tho republican party, on tho other hand, is
entering upon tho struggle through which the dem
ocratic party has passed successfully. There is a
reform element in tho republican party, a3 well
as a plutocratic element, and this reform element
is now marshalling behind the president. Let no
ono imagine that tho contest is going to lack ex
citement. Just in proportion as the president at
tempts to protect the rights of tho people will ho
bo called a demagogue, a disturber of tho peace,
and, possibly, an anarchist. Those who support
him will bo accused of taking up with populistic
doctrines, democratic doctrines, and socialist doc
trines. Let them not be dismayed. This is tho
path which all reformers must travel; these are tho
obstacles which all must meet The demo
crats ought to support the president in every at
tempted reform. They ought to do it because it
is right to do so, and they ought also to do it be
cause party expediency requires it. The republi
cans may resent this support, and use it as an
argument to keep republicans away from him, but
they may as well recognize that the trend is now
back to the people. The corporations can delay the
movement. They can for a time defeat those who
join the movement, but the movement will succeed.
There is more virtue in the people than ever finds
expression through representatives, and the time
is ripe for the summoning of this virtue to tho
country's rescue. The primary law takes the party
out of the hands of bosses and corporate repre
sentatives, and puts it in he hands of the voters
of the party, and these voters, whether they be
republicans or democrats, or members of somo
other party, want good government. The people
trust themselves, and when they understand tho
situation they trust those who trust them. Gov
ernor Pingree once declared that the reformer
must como from a long-lived race, because of
tho patience demanaed of him and the length of
the struggle through which ho must pass; but
happily reforms do not depend upon any one per
son. As in an army, so in political warfare, the
death of a leader is simply a summons to tho. one.
next in line to take his place. The conflict goes'
on and the great fighting force i3 not made up of
leaders, but of tho rank and file. The reformer Is
abroad in the land, and "Back to the people" is
his inspiration. The reformer must necessarily
appeal to tho people for he acts in their interest,
and can secure help fro: no other source; At
last the people rule.
Let democrats take courage; they have passed
through the Valley of the Shadow of Death. Let
republicans as they enter the Valley remember
that they, too, may ultimately emerge from it, if
they will but make their party the champion of
human rights and popular government, rather
than the tool of corporate greed and predatorv
wealth.
JJJ
An Independent College
The press dispatches have called attention to
the fact that Mr. Bryan has just been chosen presi
dent of the board of trustees of his alma mater
Illinois college, located at Jacksonville, Illinois'
The dispatches have also announced that at the
same session of the board of trustees at which ho
was thus honored a resolution was adopted pro
viding for a termination of the agreement entered
into a few years ago between Illinois college and
the Chicago University-the institution which Mr.
Rockefeller is backing. This agreement gave the
Chicago institution a partial supervision over
the studies taught at the college. Believin- that
his alma mater ought to bo independent of tho
Rockefeller influence and free to teach economic
truth without fear or favor, Mr. Bryan oppSTho
agreement and declined to be officially connectpS
with Illinois college while the objectionobS "re Na
tions continued. It goes without saying that ho X
gratified to have his college freed from any sus
picion of plutocratic influence and ho hopes that
those who are opposed to the subsidizing of our
nstitutions of learning by the monopolists wS
lend encouragement to this splendid old colleee
wheh has had the courage to put its trust in the
Plain people. It deserves well of the public I?
you have a boy to educate you can send im to
II nois college with the assurance that his mind
will not be biased in favor of organized wealth bv
teachers who receive their daily bread fnmtK
hands of the beneficiaries of the trusts No col
lege can do Its full duty to the rislngatTon
.VOLUME 5, NUMBER 3
so long as it tries to so shapo its course of Instruo
tion as to plea3o tho unscrupulous exploiters who
infest tho commercial highways and plunder tho
passersby. In the great struggle between the neo
pie and intrenched privilege the people are entitled
to the championship of college bred men, and it la
a pity that more of our colleges do not take the in.
dependent position which Illinois college has as"
sumed. On another page will be found a picture
of the campus and some of the buildings of the
college.
JJJ
"An Open Mind"
The editor of the Daily Soliphone of Para
gould, Ark., quotes one of The Commoner's edi
torials on government ownership, and announces
that while he is not an advocate of the public
ownership of railroads he approaches the subject
with an open mfnd, and 13 ready to consider argu,
ments upon the subject. He says:
Therefore, let Mr. Bryan show us somo
things, among them these: How will the gov
ernment come into possession of the rail
roads? If by purchase, how many million dol
lars will it take to buy them? How can wo
reach a proper valuation? Shall their value bo
estimated upon their earning capacity or upon
the cost of their rolling stock, roadbeds, etc.?
Would all the railroads of" the United States
under government ownership be consolidated
into ono vast system or wpuld there be di
visional systems each having its own presi
dent, traffic manager, passenger agents, etc.?
Would there be increased or diminished 'activ
ity in railroad construction under govern
ment ownership? Would the liability for dam
ages for negligence be the same against tho
government railroads that it is now against
corporation railroads? Would the government
railroads be liable for punitive damages?
Would a fellow-servant's law apply to govern
ment railroads tho same as it does to corpo
ration railroads?
These questions are not prompted by idle
jest nor curiosity. We sincerely hope that
Mr. Bryan will give the people a- series of
strong educational articles on the question.
There is not one man in a' 'thousand in
this country who understands it.' Mr. Bryan
certainly does or he would not champion tho
cause of government ownership of railroads.
The Soliphone is committed to municipal .
ownership of public utilities. Its blessings
have been demonstrated all over the coun
try; but when it comes to government Owner
ship of the railroads some loud thinking is in
order.
We'd like to hear from Mr. Bryan fre
quently through his Commoner, which is a
part of our weekly mental diet.
The editor of the Soliphone is right in regard
ing the quesuon as one of the first magnitude and
one upon which education is necessary. He says
that his paper is committed to "municipal owner
ship of public utilities" and declares that the bless
ings of municpal ownership have been demon
strated all over tlu country. Tho arguments which
are used to defend municipal ownership are re
lied upon to defend the public ownership of tho
railways. While the railroad is not so complete
a monopoly as a street car line, or water plant, it
has many of the features f a monopoly. A rail
road line between two points, while it does not
exclude the building, of another line, makes it
impossible for the second lino to be built as ad
vantageously as the "first v a3. Ono line between
two points can carry tho traffic at a less expense
than two lines, and the building of ono line to a
large extent hinders the builders of another line.
A person living along a railroad line must neces
sarily use that line. The cost of carrying his goods
to another line makes him patronize the nearest
line. If lie lives at a competing point, the rail
road rate is generally the same on all the lines.
He is thus at the mercy of the railroads unless
there is supervision, and heretofore tho attempt
to supervise has been thwarted by the influence
exerted by the railroads over congress and state
legislatures. The readers of Tho Commoner need
not be told how this Influence is exerted: the story
la too well known in all the states apd we are
just now hearing something about it from Wash
ington. How the government is to obtain possession
of tho railroads is a matter of detail. It can con
demn the roads, or buy them at an agreed price,
or build new ones. It can buy them by .piecemeal
or all at once, and it can determine the proper
ttzsx&mmmmmmm
