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The Commoner.
WILLIAM J. BRYAN, EDITOR AND PUBLISHER.
Vol, 5, No. 2.
Lincoln,. Nebraska, January 27, 1905.
Whole Number '210
I Popular Elections 1
Tho Chicago Record-Herald, a republican pa
per, refers to the fact that the federal grand jury
returned indictments against Senators Mitchell,
Burton and Dietrich, and says: "In each of these
deplorable instances the charges Involve corrup
tion and moral turpitude a bitter reflection for a
legislative body proud of its traditions and jealous
of its prerogatives and reputation. The low tone
of political morality receives a painful and strik
ing illustration in these successive blows to sena
torial prestige."
The Record-Herald adds: "The possibility of
further disgrace and degradation would be greatly
diminished by substituting for indirect elections
tho plan of popular election of federal senators."
The Record-Herald might also have said that
the fact that there are a number of prominent
United States senators who have not yet been
reached by indictment and will perhaps never bo
reached by indictment who serve on the sen
ate floor as the representatives of special interests
provides another striking argument in favor of
the popular election of senators.
The Record-Herald might also have said that
the fact that New York, Minnesota and Nebraska
have during the present year elected to the senate
men who were picked by tne railroad3 provides an-,
other strong argument in favor of the popular elec
tion of senators; ,,
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'A -Free -'Press--,AV-' ''."
MORE ROPEMORE DELAY
It is reported that-the 'Czar is;fcontempIating
several reforms among them the removal of all
restrictions on the press. This is an item of the
vqry greatest importance, if. true. A free press
will proye to be the beginning of other reforms.
No abu3e can successfully resist the influence of
public discussion and no ruler who desires to servo
the best interests of his people can afford to silence
criticism. Give an opponent freedom to speak and
he will speak frankly. He will point out faults
that friends conceal. Even exaggeration is useful,
for like a microscope it enables us to see that
which might otherwise escape notice. No well
meaning ott.cial need fear harm from a free press
and objections from any other kind of an official
need not be considered.
JJJ
Asset Currency
A Prairie City, Iowa, reader writes:
asset currency?
lent."
The term "asset currency" is used to describe
tho currency which some of the financiers are now
proposing, namely a currency which does ntft rest
upon government bond3 as the present currency
does but merely upon: the assets of the bank. The
currency is printed by the government and issued
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- . - - I U. S. C0W6BESS 1 1 m
;Spfeg , $- jss3Ssk POLITICAL WIRE J jc? Sijffl
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Why not try the one you've got, Mr. Roosevelt?
tt&$i!t&$$ft$4$$i
BACK TO THE PEOPLE!
Why not
Answer in Commoner if conven-
The tide is turning. For a quarter of a cen
tury corporate influence In politics has been in
creasing; campaign funds have grown larger and
larger, and the circle of political corruption has
been constantly extended. Voters were bought;
city councils were bribed; state legislators became
the tools of railroads and monopolies, and the in
strumentalities of the federal government were
turned to private gain. Three United States sen
ators have been indicted for the misuse of their
to the bank with no security fund back of it, other . influence within the last two years, and omcials
than a general lien upon the assets of the bank. in high places have been found guilty of plun-
If tho government does not guarantee the cur
rency it may become worthless if the officials of
the bank abscond with the assets. If, on the other
hand tho government guarantees the currency,
as is 'advised by most advocates of asset currency,
tho bank gets the benefit at the expense of tho
people and if tho government does guarantee the
currency tho government will have a first lien upon
the assets among which the deposits are to bo con
sidered and so not only the government, but the
depositors are to be considered; and so not only
the governmentpbut the depositors will carry tho
risk and in the event of disaster foot the bill. -
dering the treasury while drawing salaries from
the people.
The public conscience was apparently be
numbed, and men joked about corruption that
ought to havo excited alarm. But Hgh is break
ing. In 1892 the populist party pointed out the
drift of the country toward plutocracy; in 1896
the democratic party fought a herculean struggle
and turned its face toward reform. It dared to do
what few parties had before attempted namely,
repudiate an administration at the primaries. It
wrote a platform so distinctly a people's platform,
that it alienated the plutocratic element of tho
party, and when that element deserted it carried
with it a great many democrats really in sympathy
with the people, but misled by the prominence
of some of the leaders. And yet in spite of de
sertion the democratic party, with the aid of tho
populists and silver republicans, polled a million
more vote3 than it had ever polled before in fact
a million more votes than any party had ever
polled ' before. There was a tremendous increase
in the total vote in 1890 an increase so remark
able that, taken in connection with the fact that
there has been no increase since, leads to tho
suspicion that more votes were counted than
polled.
Tho movement started in 1896 would have
been successful in 1900 but for two unexpected
factors that entered into the campaign. First, tho
increased production of gold, which by enlarging
the volume of money Improved industrial condi
tions; and secondthe Spanish war which not only
" tended, as wars do, to raise prices but turned tho
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