V
The Commoner.
WILLIAM J. BRYAN, EDITOR AND PUBLISHER.
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Vol. 4, No. 51.
Lincoln, Nebraska, January 6, 1905.
"When the Slump Began"
The New York World in an editorial, notable
principally for its absurd reasoning and its false
inferences, declares that the "slump" in the demo
cratic vote began in 190G (the year when the demo-
cratic party was rescued from Clevelandism). A
review of the figures vhich the World Itself pub
lishes answers its own argument.
In 1880 the democratic vote increased 157,150;
in 1884 it increased 408,972, in 1888 it increased
627,216; in 1892 it increased 18,685; in 1896 it in
creased 946,007.
Does that look as though "the slump" began
in 1896?
The "slump" really began in 1891, when tho
men upon whom newspapers like the New York
World bestows the title of "real democrats" wore
in control. Every student of history knows that
in the light of the results in 1894 tho democratic
party showed marvelous recuperative powers in
the campaign of 1896 and obtained a popular vote
so large that very few shrewd politicians would
have dared '-to predict such a result at the close
of the polls fip. 1894.
In 1892. the. democrats carried 22 states, and
also received eiglit electoral votes out of nine
from California; five out of fourteen from Michl
gan; one out of throo from North Dakota; one out
of twenty-three from Ohio. In that year the demo
cratic candidate obtained a plurality over the re
publican candidate of 380,810.
In the fall of 1894 congressional elections took
places and in most:of the states there were state
elections. The democratic national administration
was clearly the issue in that campaign. As a re
sult only 11 states out of 45 were carried by tho
democrats and out of the eleven only one, Cali
fornia, was a northern state, the democratic ma
jority there being something over 1,200. Missouri
went republican in 1894. Kentucky, then repre
sented in, the cabinet by John G. Carlisle, was car
ried by the republicans by 1,047 on the congres
sional vote and in that state the republicans elected
five congressmen out of the eleven. Maryland went
republican on tho congressional vote; Illinois went
republican by a larger majority than it, did in 1900;
Ohio went republican by a majority of 137,000,
while the republicans carried Michigan by more
than 100,000. The republicans carried Connecticut
By 17,000. New Jersey, Mr. Cleveland's present
home, went republican on the congressional vote
by 48,000; New York, with David B. Hill as can
didate for governor, went republican by 159,000;
Pennsylvania gave a republican majority of 241,
000; Iowa a republican majority of 79,000. Massa
chusetts, 65,000; Minnesota, 60,000; Wisconsin, '53,
000; Indiana, 44,000; Maine, 38,000.
The sum of all the majorities cast for the
democratic ticket in the eleven states carried by
the democrats amounted to 300,744, while the ma
jorities cast for the republican ticket in thirty-two
slates amounted to 1,383,277. The net republican
majority was, therefore, 1.082,533. Thi3 was 480,
679 larger than the popular majority obtained by
the republican ticket in 1896. It was 252,743 larger
than the popular majority obtained by the repub
lican ticket in 1900.
As a result of "the slump" of 1894 the congress
elected in that year contained only 104 democrats,
although the congress elected in 1892 contained
219 democrats. The congress elected in 1892- had
127 republicans, the congress elected in 1894 had
244 republicans. There were 24 states which in
1894 did not elect a single democratic representa
tive to congress. In fact, outside of the southern
states, there were, all told, only 18 democrats
elected to congress (Missouri being counted with
the northern states she elected 5 democratic mem
bers out of 16) and of these one came from Califor
nia, two from' Illinois, one from Massachusetts;
five from Now York. Ave from Missouri, two from
Ohio, and two from Pennsylvania.
,nn lf, hardly faIr t0 attribute "the tragical rout
of 1904 to tho good report mado by tho demo
cratic party in 1896. It is hardly fair to attribute
the slump" to the party's action in 1890 when
tho slump" really occurred in 1894 and at a tlnio
when tho party was under the control of the same
elements that dominated in 1904.
JJJ
HOPE
literature for tho delights of moral philosophy, affd
for twenty-nine years .s voice, more and mere
distinct above the hum of business, the discord of
poltics, and tho clash of arms, has been repeating
to the uttermost parts of tho earth: "Thou shalt
love the Lord, thy God, with all thy heart and thy
neighbor as thyself."
Hope stands next to love in the influence which
it exerts. With it man'3, possible helpfulness defies
fixed limitations; without it, his power for evil
is. almost boundless. Victor Hugo has defined tho
mob as "the human race In misery," and misery
might be defined as hopeless suffering. Hope en
ables us to bear our trials with patience. Might
is but the beginning of the day to one who awaits
the dawn and the day itself is dark to one to
whom the sun Is hidden.
We owe it to others as well as to ourselves to
make the most of our opportunities, for "no one
liveth unto himself." Our lives are so Interwoven
with the lives about us that no one can fall with
out hurting his comrades and np one can resist
temptation without strengthening his fellows.
Through hope we fix our eyes upon the ideal and
then we endeavor to make our lives one long
ascent toward the realization of that ideal.
No conception of life is a worthy one that is
not broad enough to include both the mortal and
the immortal and no ideal is a noble one that
does not lead to tho harmonious development of
body, head and heart. The body can not be neg
lected for it is the earthly tenement of the mind
and the soul. It must Le strong to do its master's
work The food, tho drink, the apparel, tho exer
cise and tho recreation that fit the body for tho
maximum of usefulness are desirable this is tho
test . Any less is insufficient, any more would bo
harmful. All habits of body or mind that con
tribute to one's usefulness and all habits either
heln or hinder are good habits; any habit which
impedes one's progress is indefensible and should
be abandoned.
If to "a sound mind in a sound body' we add
a sound heart we have a basis upon which to
build the highest type of manhood and woman
hood Every consideration of self, of family, of
nation and of church impels us to dedicate each
new year to greater endeavor and to larger ser
vice. , v - ' - ' '
Whole JNumbtr 307
Democratic Plan Endorsed
Hope presides over the year's birth and bids us
bo of good cheer. "Old things are passed -away;
behold all things are become new" Is a greeting
which contains infinite encouragement. Tho page .
is clean; wo can write what we will upon it.
Memory whispers, Mako it a brighter page than
the last one, and Hope answers, I will. Hope is
the beginning of reform; and who has passed
beyond its need? None so good that they may not
improve; none so bad that they might not bo
worso; none so young but that some false steps
have already been taken; none so old but that
the remnant of life is worth still further refining.
Tolstoy Illustrates both the turning over of a
new leaf and growth in righteousness. He was
48 years old when he exchanged the rewards of
It will intorcat tho readers of Tho Commonor
to know that Commissioner Garfield of tho bureau
of corporations has endorsed tho democratic plan
for dealing with tho trust quoatlon. Whether hla
recommendation will bo adopted remains to It
seen, but It certainly ought to havo the support
of all tho democratic members of congress.
Commissioner Garfield suggests that corpora
tions engaged In Interstate commerco bo compelled
to take out a federal license tho llconso to b
granted upon terms that will compel tho corpora
tions to do legitimate buHlncHs and prevent tho In
juries which havo resulted from monopoly or at
tempted monopoly. Tho slates nro to bo left to
charter such corporations as thoy pleaso and to
tax and control such corporations, but whon a
corporation desires to engago In Interstate com
merce It must submit to regulations necessary for
tho protection of tho general public. This romedy
for tho trusts Is entirely feasible and Is In keeping
with tho democratic platform of 1900 tho plank
being partially reiterated in tho platform of 1904.
Tho plank of 1900 reads as follows:
Wo pledge tho democratic party to an
unceasing warfare in nation, stato and city
against private mojiopoly In every form. Ex
isting laws against trusts must bo enforced,
and moro stringent ones must be enacted pro
viding for publicity as to the affairs of corpo
rations ongaged In interstate commerce, requir
ing all corporations to show, before doing busi
ness outside the stato of their origin, that they
have not attempted, and are not attempting,
to monopolize any branch of business or tho
production of any articles of merchandise, and
the Svholo constitutional power of congress
over Interstate commerce, tho mails and all
modes of Interstate communication shall bo
exercised by tho enactment of comprehenslvo
laws upon the subject of trusts.
This plan has serveraf advantages. First, it
Is easily enforced. By requiring a corporation to
take out license In advance it saves the necessity
of hunting up evidence to support a prosecution.
By withholding the use of the malls, telegraph
lines and railroads until license is secured, tho
government has it in its power to completely pre
vent an interstate monopoly. By reserving tho
right to suspend or cancel a license the government
i3 able to retain control of Interstate commerce cor
porations in such an effective way as to entirely
protect the public.
Second, That plan does not Interfere with the
right of the stato to charter such corporations as
it thinks best and to control them according to
its own Interests. The rights of the state and the
rights of tho federal government are both pre
served under this plan. ,
Third, This plan accomplishes the desired pur
pose with the least injury. A legitimate corpora
tion will find it no trouble to comply with the law,
while it will find its greatest protection in tho
passage of such a law. It might be wise to mak
the law applicable to corporations having a certain
capital or doing a certain amount of business. Or,
better still, the law might bo based on the propor
tion of business done rather than upon the actual
amount, for a monopoly is only possible where a
single corporation controls a large proportion of
tho business In that line. If, for Instance, the law
only applied to corporations controlling one-tenth
of the product or sale of the article handled, all
harmless corporations would bo relieved of an
noyance. If the law provided that a license should
be refused to all corporations controlling more than
50 per cent of the total product a complete monop
oly would be prevented. The license board could
be given discretion in regard to the licensing of
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