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wo would do the world by abandoning our posi
tion as to tho bo3is of just govommont, but wo
must consider what tho effect of tho new posi
tion would bo upon tho American people. Tho for
mal and deliberate adoption of a permanent colon
ial system could not but affect our home govern
ment, for no matter what may be said to the con
trary, governments are administered according to
a theory, just as lives are governed according to
certain fixed principles.. The abandonment of tho
theory of self government in. dealing with the Fili
pinos would necessarily be followed by tho weak
ening of the doctrfne of self-government in this
country. Walpole declared that tho English peo
ple could not defend thomEnglish position during
tho revolutionary war without asserting principles
which, if carried out, would destroy English liberty
as well as American liberty. It can bo said with
equal truth that the people of this country can not
defend an imperial policy in dealing with the Fili
pinos without asserting principles which, if car
ried out, will ultimately destroy American liberty
a3 well as Philippine liberty. Doctor Winston's
position, therefore, is erroneous. First, because a
colonial policy is not necessary for tho advance
ment of the welfare of tljp Filipinos; and second,
because we could not afford to help the Filipinos at
Guch tremendous cost to ourselves and to the re3t
of tho world.
Doctor Winston's position, however, is tho
more dangerous because it is conscientiously held
by a man of high repute. If he had said that we
Bhould hold the Philippine islands in order to. make
money out of them, his argument would have had
little -weight, but when he puts the retention of
the islands on the ground of duty he makes an
appeal to conscience, and it should be considered
in that light. It will help Doctor Winston to seo
tho error of his position if ho will ask himself the
following questions:
First If the Filipinos are now incapable
of self-government, how will he explain tho
action of the Creator in leaving them so long
without a benevolent guardian (to govern
them against their will, and to tax them with
out representation)?
Second. As nations differ in their capacity
for self-government, just as individuals differ
in their ability to restrain themselves, and as
he predicates our obligations to govern them
on the ground that we are more capable than
they are, how does he expect, the gulf between
the capacity of the Filipinos and our capacity
to be narrowed unless the Filipinos without
self-government make more progress than wo
do?
Third. Those who oppose imperialism
point to the text "So live that others seeing
your good works will be constrained to glori
fy your Father," a text that emphasizes tho
influence of example. Upon what Bible text
do imperialists rely for authority to purchase
from a defeated king the title to his subjects
or to give to the Filipinos the choice between
accepting our rule or dying at the hands of our
soldiers?
Fourth. How can this nation continue to
hold out before the world tho doctrine of tho
Declaration of Independence and at the same
time deny tho force of that doctrine when
dealing with the Filipinos?
These questions are not presented In a contro
versial 3pirlt, but because the editor of The Com
moner believes that the editor of the Christian
Advocate has inadvertently fallen into a grievous
error hurtful alike to himself and to those whom
Ma. arguments inay lea"d astray.
JJJ
Memory.
The closing days of December bring retrospec
tion. It Is the season when the fire burns most
brightly on memory's altar. Lost opportunities,
gone never to return; mistakes that can not be
corrected; uncharitable words, if not deeds wrong
in themselves all these are recalled, mingled with
pleasant memories, as the winter's winds sing a
Bad requiem over tho dying year.
It is the accounting period, and If the life is
what it ought to be each expiring year should
show a larger balance on the credit side of tho
ledger than the year before. But reformation does
not entirely obliterate the marks of sin. Children
learn the story of the boy whose father gave him
a hammer and some nails and told him to drive
a nail into one of the gate posts every time ho
did anything wrong and to withdraw a nail when
over he did a good deed. For awhile the nails
inoT eased but the very number of them finally
brought reflection and tho boy began to withdraw
nails. One. day the father found him standing
before the post all the nails withdrawn but tho
The Commoner.
boy was in tears. Tho father, delighted with his
son's improvement, asked why ho was sad and
tho boy replied: "The scars are still there." Yes,
the scars remain but they may sdrvo a useful pur
pose if they restrain us from future transgression.
While repentance may change tho course of a
life it is not always possible to make complete
restitution when an injury has been done to an
other. If, for instance, one' takes a human life no
amount of repentance can call back the spirit that
has flown. Nor is the taking of a life the only
sin for which full compensation can not bo made.
Tho wrong dono by a false witness is largely ir
remedial. It is told of a priest that one of his
flock came to confess to wilful slander. The priest
directed him to scatter as handful of thistle down
upon tho wind and when he had done so he was
directed to go forth and gather up the scattered
seed. When he replied that it was. impossible to
do so his spiritual adviser reminded him it was
likewise impossible to entirely undo tho wrong
done by a false accusation.
Memory decs not always smile upon us but
when she does chide us it is for our good and
while she sobers us with the contemplation of time
wa3ted, hours misspent and moments which wo
may wish to forget, still she enables us to livo
over the joyous days of the past, preserves for us
the faces and voices of friends and gives us sweet
communion with the absent and the dead. Mem
ory is tho wireless telegraphy which indissolu
bly connects us with every experience through
which we have passed and the messages move most
freely between youth and age. By a kindly pro--vision
tho Creator has made memory most active
when the other powers are failing and when
planning for the morrow lose3 its charm. In fact,
it is one of the signs that the sun has crossed tho
meridian that the time given to memory increases.
The young talk not of the past. With strong step
they press forward;' with firm hand they lay hold
of the work before them; with steady eyo they
look into the future. But as age creep3 on the
pace slackens, tho grasp is loosened and the eyes
grow dim. Then the currents of life flow back
ward and the early days return, bringing with
them a period that resembles childhood, just as
the setting sun recalls the 'glowing colors of the
dawn. Happy are we if the evening of life brings
the satisfaction which crowns a well spent -day
and finds us waiting with triumphant faith the
hour when "man goeth to his long home."
.As in the closing years of life, so in the closing
days of the year, memory holds sway and we yield
ourselves to her consolations and admonitions.
rrr
The Complete Returns
On another page will be found an Associated
Press dispatch from Chicago giving the complete
returns from all the states. Editorial reference
ha3 been mado to the returns from particu
lar states and to the estimated total vote. But it
seems that the" estimates were not accurate. For
instance the total vote cast this year seems to
be 460.078 less than the total vote in 1900, while
the estimates based upon partial returns did not
indicate so large a falling off. The republican
gain is only 409,822 which i3 nearly a hundred
thousand less than tho estimate generally received.
Judge Parker falls 1,277,772 behind the demo- .
cratic vote of four years ago. These figures are
only a little more than the estimate made from ,
the incomplete returns.
The total populist vote is only 114,637, which is
considerably less than tho estimate based upon
earlier returns. The total populist vote is only
a little more than twice what it was four years
ago, although four years ago the regular populist
party fused with the democrats, and the vote of
that year was the vote cast for the middle of the
road populist ticket. a3 it was called.
The socialist vote is 397.587, which is consid
erably less than the estimate made earlier upon
partial returns. Some thought that the socialist
vote would run as high as 600,000 but even tho
present increase Is doubtless gratifying to tho
socialists, as it is the largest relative gain mado
this year. The prohibition vote Is 260,303, a gain
of about 25 per cent. The fact that the democratic
loss was nearly half a million greater than the
, total gain of all tho other parties indicates that
the election was a rebuke to the plan of camnal-n
adopted by the democrats rather than a victorv
for President Roosevelt or for his party. The cain
in the socialist vote, taken In connection with the
democratic loss, shows that those who oppose the"
republican party demand more radical legislation
rather than the conservative policy proposed las
summer by tho eastern democrats? P . Iast
'The socialist vote is small In the south and
largest in Illinois, Now York, Ohio, CaliSa ant"
.VOLUME i NUMBER 50
Wisconsin. To what extent thf( anHnit.,t
been swelled by democrats who " t
as a rebuko to the conservative deinnSI Ufiket
not bo known Future election maTttSS'iffl
upon this subject y W10w Hght
An inspection of election return a i
interesting, and ought to be of valuo in L ,ya
ing tho drift of public sentiment sS Ac
tion also shows how impossible it fa to hnSpe(
dictions upon the statements issued by cZlS
committees just before the, election. caml)asu
JJJ
The South in Politics
Sinco tho election the southern papers hn
contained many editorials .regarding the josE
of tho south in politics. Some complain that S?
em interests are not sufficiently considered by th
north, and some have even gone so far as to sni
gest that the south form a party of its own III
act independently in politics, it is natural that
the failure of tho north to recognize the dange
which southern people see in the race issue should
bring forth criticism and it Is not strange that
some of the criticism should bo bitter and that
some of tho advice should be ill considered Tho
race question is not an issue in the north and tho
northern people do not understand it. Nowhere in
tho north is white supremacy menaced. Durin
the late campaign the race question cut practically
no figure. "With but few if any did it have any
weight In the determining of political action, but
the south need not be surprised at this. Many
people think only of questions that immediately
concern them. This is to be regretted, but it is a
fact, and because it is a fact local self-government
is the best government. Because people will con
sider most carefully those -things that affect them
most it is dangerous to have the government too
far from the people, and it is equally dangerous to
have the people of one section acting for the peo
pie of another section. The people In the fishing
districts can not Intelligently decide upon ques
tions of irrigation, and people in the arid regions
are likewise ignorant of matters affecting the coast.
Tho farmer does not as a rule understand tho
problems with which thecity lias to deal, and
the resident of a great city does not understand
the problems with which the agriculturist is wrest
ling. Where each community governs itself tho
laws are made not only by the people who are to
live under them but by the people who understand
tho conditions which the laws are expected to
meet. The white people of the north are not differ
ent -from the white people of the south. If the
race questjon presented itself to the north as 't
does to the south, it is not likely that it would
be met in a different spirit or in a different way,
and if the race question were a northern question
rather than a southern one, the people of tho south
would be as indifferent to it as the people of the
north are. There is no disposition in the north
to interfere with the manner in which the problem
is now being worked out by the south. Once In
a while the question is raised, but It is usually for
political purposes. It is not likely that any serious
attempt will be made to secure national legislation
on the subject. If such an attempt is made it
should be made with logic and with light, not with
the calling of names and with heat.
There is a strong political reason that will
probably prevent the passage of any legislation re
ducing the congressional representation of tho
south, namely, the fear of alienating the colored
vote of the north. As long as the republican party
can use southern franchise amendments to solidify
the colored vote of the north it will do it, but the
moment it provides for a reduction of the repre
sentation of the south it confesses that it has
abandoned the colored man in the south and tho
political advantage which tho republican party
would gain by the reduction of southern represen
tation would stand in the way, of its again taking
up the case of negro suffrage. The south, with tho
recollection of reconstruction days fresh in mem
ory, is protecting itself against a repetition of
those days of legislative robbery. The amendments
have only been adopted in the states where the
colored voters are numerous enough to endanger
the continued supremacy of the white race, ana
even in those states the colored man has been
given the protection of the constitution and laws
mado by the white man for himself a protection
which the repubjicans have denied to uie Filipinos.
If the republicans seriously attempt to pass a
law changing tho representation of the south tnsy
will be met with amendments that will app y too
law to northern states as well, and they will wm
to explain why they did not suggest a reduction oe
the ' representation in the eastern states that pre-
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