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hen who, like Mr. Watson, want to see it de
stroyed." .. . . .
Mr. Bryants not a candidate for any offlce;
ho has "0 plans looking to any nomination for
auys ofllce. Ho is satisned to- do the work that
ho is now doing, if ho is ever nominated for any
oflico it will be with a full knowledge of his
views and because those who nominate him be
lieve him more available for the work in hand
than any one else. Ho does not desire and would
not accept a nomination on any other- terms. Ho
has urged the democratic party to adopt such of
tho reforms advocated by the populist party as
ho believed to bo for tho good of the country; ho
will urge the democratic party to adopt any good
reforms suggested by any other party, and ho
.will urge the democratic party o help the ropub-i
lican party to do anything good that it proposes.
In other words, ho is anxious that the demo
cratic party shall be a positive force for good
and that it shall make its influence folt upon the
right side of every question without stopping to
ask what other party favors the position taken.
Tho republican party is not a reform party; its
leaders are the beneficiaries cf special privilege
and class legislation. The democratic, chastened
by defeat, otters tho best means of securing reme
dial legislation and populists ought to encourage
it rather than abuse it.
JJJ
A Multitude of Advisers
.Mr. Bryan is in receipt of a great deal of ad
vice just at this time, and he welcomes it, although
to follow it all, he Would have to do a great many
contradictory things, for he is advised to take
both sides of nearly every question.. The latest
letter is signed by one who subscribes himself,
"Very sincerely your friend, John Doe." It con
cludes: ,. "Four years from now will he your oppor
tunity to become president. Don't spoil it. .-You
can' be elected then if the voters are not scat
tered, and confused by oo many issues. The re
publican press cannot say anything .they have
not said about you and the issue don't give them
a new club to" beat you yith; thd old club Is
nearly worn out and will not 'hurt you much in
the future. Get elected, then go after anything
you want and we'll help you. But get elected: I
expect Hi sevelt and the G. 0. P. to make this
easy, for you if .you do not spoil your own chances
by tailing to concentrate your efforts and your
fridnds' efforts in a way that wiii be' most ef
fective.' The earlier part of the letter was devoted- to
the discussion of one of the new questions which
was included in a recent Cdmmoner editorial. A
large majority of letters come from those who
are anxious to have the party do some particular
thing that they want done, although ifiany letters
come from persons who are anxious that the partv
shall not do some particular thing that the writers
do not want done. These communications are
useful because they show the trend of public
opinion, and throw light upon tho subjects dis
cussed, and yet as each writer-thinks 'the matte"
out for himself and reaches a conclusion which
to him seems the correct one, Mr. Bryan, taking
tho arguments offered, must, so far as his own
course is. concerned, follow his judgment. He has
no power to influence the democratic party except
by argument, and it would be futile for him to
try to make his own position to suit the opinions
of others. Ho cannot assume that he will ever
be a candidate for anything again; much less can
he shape his opinions with a view to winning
popularity. The man who tries to make himself
popular is the very one who is apt to make mis
takes, for when he lays aside tne true rule for
the measuring of his conduct he is liable to fall
into ail sorts of errors. The rule whch every
man should follow, whether in public or "in private
life, is to do what he believes to be right, apply,
ing to every question toso fundamental prln
ciples which ho has found to be sound. If each
one will think for himself and then give express
slon to his views, the responsibilities : and the
rewards of leadership will fall to the most de
sqrvlng. ' The democratic party has passed through a
;crlsis in its existence; it-is emerging from an
overwhelming defeat. The first thing for a deni?
ocrat to learn is tho cause of the defeat, and the
second is to. attempt to plan .a wiser course In
the -future. Thorpe will be, no national convention
rfor nearly four years, and no . an or group of
;men is authorized to speak for the nartv in th
.situation-it is not only right, buthe d"ty 0?
every member of .the party to have an opiiiio'n
md to express it. More than that, it is 'right
The Commoner.
for every member of the party to place his opinion
with tho arguments that support it before as
many' of his fellows as possible.
The letters received by ilr. Bryan Since the
election show that democrats are thinking, and
democratic thinking Is going to result in demo
cratic acting. Democratic acting will result in
strengthening the democratic position. "What the
party needs just how is not a- large number of
men anxious for office and willing to regulate
their views by their ambitions, but a multitude
of honest, earnest, courageous democrats who
will think upon public questions and give t'holr
thoughts, to tho public regardless of the. effect
upon themselves. It will be time enough to write
the platform when the convention meets, but the
time is always opportune for the discussion of
public questions and for the exchange of views.
It will be time enough to select a presidential
candidate when the -convention approaches. Tlie
party can make the selection more wisely if every
democrat who is worthy to be mentioned in con
nection with the office will take up the conscien
tious study of pending questions and bravely
present the remedies that commend themselves
to him. The views of these men can be compared
and the party can intrust the standard to the one
most accurately reflecting the sentiment of the
party. Ambition is good If it spurs a' man to
serve his country faithfully, it is bad when it
riiakes cowards of men. and renders them more
anxious to receive honors from their party than
to give assistance to it.
Mr. Bryan cannot call his friends together,'
Secure their advice and then make his conduct
conform to their views. He could not. even call
a conference of democratic leaders, because to
do so he would have to assume authority to
select the conference, and he would necessarily
overlook a great many worthy to be invited. He
must do in the future as he has done In the past,
namely, take the position that he believes to be
correct, give his reasons and then abide the con
sequences. He appreciates the earndst Sdlicitude
of friends and he values their advice insofar as
it points the way to a right conclusion, but friends
are powerless to lift from him the respdnsibility
which he' must bear, just as he cannot relieve his
frlendt oi the responsibility"' which' they 'must
bear. ' ' ' '' . . :-v.
That "Unprecedented Victory
As-the Smoke of battle clears -away and tlie
returns are analyzed the repub' can victory gives
to the members of that party less and less cause
for rejoicing. At first t was decHred to be "the
greatest victory ever won by a presidential can
didate," but the Democratic Watchman of Belle
fonte, Pa., points out that in magnitude it is
really the ninth victory rather than the first.
President Roosevelt will have 345 electoral votes
and Judge Parker will have 141. While the pres
ident secures more than two-thirds oZ the elec
toral college he does not secure anything like two
th.rds of the popular vote, and seven former
presidents have had a larger proportionate vote
in the electoral college than President Roosevelt
will receive.
Jefferson in his second election received 162
votes to U cast for Mr. Pinckney, and yet Presi
dtnt Roosevelt in his books speaks very dis
paragingly of Jefferson.
In 1820 Monroe at his second election re
ceived 231 electoral votes, while only a singlo
one was cast for his only opponent, John Quincy
Adams. Jackson in his second race had 219
v3Tt0 4V0r Cla7 Jn 184 Harrison defeated
Van Buren by a vote of 234 to GO in the electoral
college. In 1852 Pierce carried every state in the
union but four, and received 254 to 42 cast for
General Scptt, Lincoln in 1864 received 212 votes
WoS f?r McClella w,hile Grant in 1868 re!
celved 214 electoral votes to 80 cast for Seymour
In 1872 Grant had 268; Greeley had but fmom'
Thus it will be seen that Jefierson, Monroe
Jackson,. Harrison, Pierce, Lincoln and Grant all
secured a larger'proportion of the electorates
twke S nt haVlng WOn such a Victory
An analysis of the popular vote does not in
crease republican confidence. While President
Roosevelt received about 600,000 more votes than
McKinley received in 1900, his gain is not half S
great as the democratic loss. If the election h 2
been caused by a turning of democrats " to the re
publican party it would give the republicans more
hope for the future, biit while piriia w .
.VOLUME 4, NUMBER g
than half of the 1,150.000 Pitim ,
voted for; son othef thar X 2at,or
m iM rvcr "4au oseveit.
533, the riW?0 5,536,
1,040,902, the proUbiUonvoS'-m-Tm
socialist labor vote 21,164 mTiJQ and tho
12,000,000. ' ' maMus a total ot about
in 189G the republican vote was 7inp7
near y two millions more than in i892 E'9,' r
ocra c voto was 6,502,925', an increase of J6?'
a. million over the democratic vote in imVl
it must be remembered timt huo i-S...?.,1?.02' bu
ulist vote-.the populists having endorse. t!f f01'"
ocratic candidate. The Palmei-an Bi n u
received 133,424, the prohibitionists mm t?
socialist labor tid 36.274 and lie niuL ,he
ticket 13,969. This made a total vote o
13,900,000; This phenominal increase has i,e
been satisfactorily explained. ver
In 1900 the republican ticket polled 7 "08 244
an increase of about 100,000 over the republican
n?cQnoJ im' The decratic ticket received 7
358,789-a loss of about 150,000; the prohibitionists
polled 209,936, the socialist labor candidate 49 693
the middle of the road populists 50,378, and' the
socialist democratic ticket 85,971. The total vote
in 1900 was 13,969,700, Which was practically the
Same as the total vote four years before.
While the republican gain- this year is in tlv
neighborhood of 600,000, the democratic loss, near
ly 1,5P0,000, is so great that it will probably more
than offset any increase in the vote given to other
" candidates, so that the total vote this year may be
loss than it was four years ago. At any rate it
willnot be materially greater. The total vote Is
thus about what it was eight years ago, notwith
standing the increase in population. The total
vote of the two leading; parties combined is some
650;000l less than it was four years ago, while tho
socialist Vote may reach 600,000. The populist
vote will be. greater than it was four years ago
but not -nearly so large as was expected.
The returns show that there is no strong
trend of sentiment toward the republican party.
The increase in the' republican vote, while mow
than it "was four years ago, is not to be compared
withr the increase between 1892 and 1896. A con
siderable' percentage "of the- recent increase can
be traced to the' -natural increase In the popua
tibn and a still larger' percentage is made up of
votes that can notbe called republican but which,
like niany of the "votes cast' for the republican
ticket, were a protest against the democratic party
rather than an endorsement of the republican
party. '
The rapid growth of the socialist party is con
clusive proof that the democratic 'party has been
too conservative to satisfy the reform element of
the country. When i'n''i896 the democratic party
tbok a .strong' stand, in favor of remedial legisla
tion it largely Increased its vote, while the popu
list party,' then the leading radical party, cast
practically all of its vote with the democrats.
In 1900, when economic reforms were not so
prominent, a part of the democratic platform, the
democratic vote feU off a little, and tho falling
off was just about equal to the combined vote of
tho socialist democratic party and the middle of
the road populists. This year, when the demo
cratic, party became conservative and failed to
meet tho demand for. reform, the party's vote -'ell
off about 1.500,000 while the increase in the vote
of the socialist democrats and the populists will
amount to six or seven hundred thousand.
The lesson to be drawn from the returns is
both obvious and emphatic. In proportion as tho
democratic party espovses the cause of the masse?
it is strong; irf proportion as it is timid and hesi
tating it is- weak. It is not necessary that he
democratic party should advocate all of the meas
ures advocated by other parties, bat it is neces
sary that it shall take a positive and emphatic
stand against the plutocratic tendencies of the
times, and it must fearlessly defend the rights anl
interests of the common people.
One more campaign on so-called "conserva
ive" lines would still further demoralize the party,
but there is no danger that it will make again
soon the 'mistake that it made this year. The
heart of the democratic party is sound. The polit
ical conditions which, prevailed 'just prior to tno
democratic convention wc;e abnormal and u
usual. A great many ihonest democrats, anxious
t: make all the progress possible, believed it wise
to attempt the conciliation of the. so-called bus.
ness "interests' but more properly described as
the, interests of thejargo corporations. The at
tempt was made; it-jproved unsuccessful; 't 1U
not be repeated.' -The democrats who favor re
form. Will be put, ,. control of tho , democratic
f
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