"Wi v "
The Commoner.
1
Vol. 4 No. 4V -
f .,
i ,
WILLIAM J. gRYAN, EDITOR AND PUBLISHER.
Lincoln, Nebraska, December 16, 1904.
Whole Number 204
MR. WATSON'S PREDICTIONS
Hon. Thomas B. Watson, late populist can
didate for president, has outlined his position
as to the future and ' has ventured some pre
dictions. Ho predicts that Mr. Bryan "will bo
nominated in 1908 and then he predicts that Mr.
Bryan will be defeated worse than Judge Parker
was etc., etc. Mr. Watson has the same right to
make predictions as he would have had had he
not been a candidate for the presidency, but his
predictions must be. taken upon their merits and
dealt with as the" predictions of any one else.
The difficulty with Mr. Watsun is that he views
, the subject from a standpoint entirely hostile
to the democratic party. Having left the party
I, and having opposed it for some years, he natur
ally has less confidence in it than those who are
members of the party. The fact that he gave in
direct assistance to Mr. Roosevelt in the late
campaign and thus contributed to the extent of
his Influence in increasing the Bize of Mr. Roose
velt's plurality, also tends to make him take a
gloomy view of the democratic party's future. But
there is no reason why Mr. Watson should ignore
what tho democratic party has done and is try-
I, ing to do in the direction of political and econ
omic reform.
Mr. Watson believes in the income tax. The
democratic party enacted an income tax law and
. still believes in the income tax. At St. Louis
' while a majority of the committee was in favor
of leaving the income tax "out of the platform, ,
all but one member of that committee expressed
themselves in favor of 'an income tax. and -now
that the policy .of the Iparty is no longer to be
dictated by those -who desired to conciliate the
corporation element, "the income tax will be a
part of the democratic creed. -
Mr. Watson believes in the election of sen
ators by direct vote of the people. The demo
cratic party "stands for this reform. A plank
in favor of the necessary amendment was in
serted in the national platform four years ago,
and again at St. Louis, and this reform, when
accomplished, will make easier every other re
form. Mr. Watson believes in tariff reform and ad
vocated it in congress. The democratic party
stands for tariff reform. The platform adopted
at St Louis was clear and strong on this sub
ject and, while Judge Parker weakened himself
y assuming that tariff reform would be impos
sible because of a republican senate, there is no
Question of tho party's position.
Mr. Watson is opposed to the trusts, and so
the democratic party. Its honesty of purpose
Zf Questioned this year because Mr. -Belmont,
Jir. blieehan, and some others,- who stood sponsor
jot judge Parker, were known to be closely con
?m i?Ith thQ trusts but the overwhelming de
rS ,, upon the Parfcy under their leader
Sm5 make ifc certain that the party will re
lief ts aSSressive fight against private monopo-
nn Si.0 same influences that will direct the party
o Lh r (luestions will direct it on the labor
4uesuon ana make it the champion of the cause
on h?SG Wno toi!- 0n the subject of imperialism,
u tile armv i,m j A.. 1.1 J4-
(Will oi uuwowuu uuu tue uayy queauuu, it.
th , stand with the peopl . The heart of
jorifv f ; c party !s sound and a large ma"
for Lr , members are earnest in their desire
doM ,?n.0I?Ic reforms. The fact that Mr. Watson
recrpf i haye confidence in the party is to be
and in bcause Mr. Watson is an earnest man
the Pnm y desires to advance the interests of
that V?mon People. He must not assume, however,
Patriotl 6 Wno dIffer from him are lacking in
Was S, In genuine interest in reform. Ho
his annQ in7ldate for the Presidency and made
herpKV0 tho Public, The small vote which
demopr-S a vote much smaller than populists,
to rwIoiSl and.,even republicans expected, . him
receive-showsk:either;;;thaf there are, few.
who agree with him as to tho course of action
to be pursued or that they did not have conildciico
in his leadership. It is not only inoro charitable,
but more in acordance with tho facts, to assume
that the reformers had personal confidenco in
Mr. Watson, but did not agree with him as to
the best method of securing remedial legislation.
Reforms are not to be secured all at once. Thoro
is a great deal of difference between the work of
tho pioneer and tho work of tho party that es
pouses a reform and crystalizes it Into law.
It is evident that the populist party is not
in position to do tho work that is needed. Tho
returns show that it has lost ground. Some of
its members have gone into the socialist party;
some of them prefer to act with the democrats
and thus secure the reforms for which the dem
ocratic party stands. It is a disappointment to
populists to find that their party organization Is
impotent to secure tho legislation which the mem
bers of the party have advocated and some blame
the falling off in tho populist voto to the fact
that the party has fused with tho democrats, but
there is no foundation for this charge. If tho
populist party had failed to fuse with the demo
crats it would not have retained its strength so
long as it did. The populist party did an im
portant educational work; it helped to bring cer
tain reforms before the country. The democratic
party took up a number of these reforms (reforms
which were really democratic) and brought to
them a larger vote than the populist party was
able to secure for them. Those who are more
interested in the reforms than in the name of
the party through which tho reforms are to come,
will not complain that the main work of the
populist party was done through another party
rather than directly. Results count and parties
are only important as they contribute to those
results. The populist party has helped to put
the democratic party in line with some needed
reforms, just as the socialist party is now exert
ing an educational influence.
The president in his message warns the re
publicans that they must regulate railroad rates
if. they would prevent the growth of sentiment in
favor of "more radical" legislation. This is a
clear reference to the growth of the socialist
party. When the populist party entered the
political arena it favored the income tax, the elec
tion of senators by the people, the referendum,
bimetallism, the issue of non-redeemable legal
tender treasury notes; tho government ownership
of railroads, a sub-treasury -system for the storage
of farm products and the loaning of money di
rectly to the people at a low rate of interest
After the first campaign the sub-trea3ury and the
loaning of money were virtually dropped. The
democratic party took up the income tax, the
election of senators by the people, direct legis
lation and bimetallism. The populist contention
for an irredeemable currency (that is, a currency
not redeemable in any other kind of money but
a legal tender for public dues as well as private
debts) is not now discussed as much as it form
erly was The increased volume of money has
lessened tb- interest in all phases of the money
Son while the democratic advocacy of the
?S of 'the government to issue the paper money
ha? narrowed the issues for which populism dis-
tinCTheSdemocratic party did not accept the popu-
rmen" wuld JTZl
treasury and therefore he question
irredeemable paper would, with tne r
of bimetallism, become an abstract one
than one of actual and practical value. Tho
populist contention for tho government owner
ship of railroads is tho only vital ono (the aub
treasury plan having been dropped and tho ques
tion of Irredeemable paper not being dlflcusHcd to
any considerable extent) which tho democratic
party has not endorsed. Whether tho democratic
party will adopt it remains to bo seen.
Thero Is undoubtedly a growing sontiment
in favor of tho government ownership of rail
roads, not only among domocrats, but among re
publicans, and this growth Is duo to the manner
in which tho railroads have disregarded tholr
duty and combined for tho exploitation of tho
public. It requires no prophet to foresee the
day when the peoplo will prefer to risk whatever
dangers may bo involved in government owner
ship to a continuation of private ownership under
prevailing conditions. Whether tho experiment
will be tried through the federal government or
through the state governments Is the question
open to discussion. Tho government ownorshlp
of railroads, while ondorsed by the socialists,
decs not involve the fundamental principle which
underlies the socialist propaganda. Democrats
who advocate the government ownership of rail
roads do it on tho ground that competition la
impossible or, at least, so costly and so difficult
to secure as to make it inexpedient tor tho public
to rely upon It. The govornment ownership of
railroads can be defended much upon the same
ground as tho municipal ownership of lighting
plants and water plants Is to be defended. it
does not involve tho question of "the govern
"ment ownership and operation, of all means ol
production and distribution," which is tho ulti
mate aim of tho radical socialist. The railroads
in Germany are owned by the stato governments,
and yet tho German government is very much
opposed to socialism. Socialism does not control
France, and yet the railroads of France aro. ac
cording to the terras of the charters, to bocomc
tho property of tho government in about twenty
five years. England Is not socialistic, and yot
England does many things that the republicans
denounce as socialistic when suggested by demo
crats. Each new question must be settled upon
its merits -and the people will not bo driven from
the adoption of anything they believe to be wise
by any epithets or harsh names that may be ap
plied to it.
It is not only unnecessary to organize a new
party for dealing with these questions, but it
would be unwise to do so. Tho formation of a party
is a slow and difficult process and is only possible
in great crises. Only once since tho adoption of
our constitution has a great party been organ
ized, and the question which brought the repub
lican party into existence was ono of such tre
mendous magnitude that it involved tho country
in a civil war.
All parties have their Influence, even though
they may not develop a great deal of numerical
strength. There are more reformers n the dem
ocratic party than are likely to be massed under
tho name of any other party. When the democratic
party adopts its next platform it will doubtless
lese some votes which were cast with it this year,
but it is likely to gain from tho reform repub
licans, from the populists, from tho socialists and
from other reform parties a great many more
than it loses. '
It is Mr. Bryan's purpose to contribute toward
the securing of every reform within reach. If ho
could advance these reforms more by becoming a
member of some other party he would not hesitate
to leave the democratic party, but he believes
that he can accomplish more through the demo
cratic party and, while he so believes, ho will
work with the democratic party. To him the
future seems full of hope. He believes that tho
democra-c party is going to meet the expecta
tions of its members and disappoint the fears of.
4 -V
ijid&dm''$