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his recommendations aro In tho lino of enlarged
expenditures rathor than retrenchment.
The subjects of immigration and naturalization
aro considered at length. After pointing out tho
desirability of immigration of the right kind he
calls attention to tho danger to our wage-earners
of admitting "masses of men whose standard of
living and whoso personal customs and habits aro
euch that they tend to lower tho level of the Amer
ican wage-worker." He calls attention to fraudu
lent naturalization, to forged certificates and to
perjury in the securing of papers. Ho also asks
for legislation specifically defining tho rights of
American citizens residing abroad and the rights
of those who have declared their intention of be
coming American citizens but have not taken upon
themselves the full responsibilities of citizenship.
Tho subject is ono which deserves the attention of
congress. A clear statement of tho nation's policy
upon this subject will protect the country against
foreign complications.
Tho "big stick" policy is presented in the mes
sage with considerable elaboration. He attempts to
back up his position with arguments in favor of a
large navy, and yet all the time protesting that
tho navy is intended to promote peace. Ho speaks
of "tho peace of justice." Thero is no doubt that
justice is tho only basis upon which peace can be
built. The question is whether justice will be pro
moted or thwarted by a large naval establishment.
Leaving .put of consideration for tho present
the tendency of our action to increase the navies
of other countries, necessitating another increase
In our own navy, followed by another increase in
other navies, etc., etc., until the people of all coun
tries would be crushed beneath the weight of prep
arations for warleaving this question out of con
sideration it is pertinent to ask whether such a
policy as the president proposes is not likely to
disturb peace rather than to promote it The
same spirit that leads a nation to adopt the "big
stick" policy will lead it to use a "big stick" on
slight provocation, just as the snirit that prompts
one to carry a revolver "prompts him to use it
unnecessarily. When the president says "If the
great civilized nations of the present day should
completely disarm, the result would mean imme
diate recrudescence of barbarism in one form or
The Commoner.
another," ho aligns himself with those who lack
faith in the omnipotence of right He thus dis
closes his reliance upon the brute force doctrine
even though ho speaks approvingly of internatioaal
arbitration. Total disarmament is not tho alter
native presented to the large navy policy; it doe3
not necessarily follow that we must have as large
a navy as the president desires or none at all. It
i3 possible to have sufficient war vessels for tho
training of our navy officers and for the proper pro
tection of our country without attempting to rival
the land-grabbing nations in the number and rizo
of our fleet. The position taken by the president is
not only untenable but it involves a very dangerous
error, namely, that a nation must be warlike in or
der to save it from barbarism and decay. It is the
doctrine of tho strenuous life as interpreted by the
president. His theory is entirely at variance with
the life and teaching of the Founder of the Chris
tian religion. The president totally ignores tho
power and influence of a righteous example.
It is not surprising that with his views upon
this subject he should ondorse the colonial policies
of European empires. He says: "There are points
of resemblance in our work and the worjc which
is being done by the British in India and Egypt,
by the French in Algiers, by the Dutch in Java,
by the Russians in Turkestan, by the Japanese in
Formosa." He adds that we "more distinctively
than any of these powers are endeavoring to de
velop the natives themselves so that they shall
take an ever increasing share in their own gov
ernment and as far as is prudent we are admitting
their representatives to governmental equality
with our own."
He speaks of our problems as being akin to the
problems "presented to other great civilized powers
which have possessions in the orient." The prob
lem of taking possession of inferior people and
utilizing them for the benefit of the conquering
nations is not a new one. It is always defended
on the ground of benevolence but the trust is al
ways administered for the benefit of the governing
nation rather than for the benefit of the subject.
"While the president earnestly hopes that the Fili
pinos will in the end be able to stand "if not en
tirely alone, yet with some such relation to tho
United States as Cuba now stands" he declares that
' VOLUME 4, NUMBER 47
they aro now "utterly incapable of exercising a
pendonce at all or of building up TcWiXi
their own." This theory that a dyUIzItlon '2 ?
built around them or plastered over tuem is entir?
ly at variance with our theory of government nil n
we can not hold this theory without abandoning
tho great work that our nation has endeavored
perform for more than a century. As long aswn
are administering a colonial policy after the exam
pie of monarchies after the example, even of a
despotism like Russia; while we are patterning our
administration in our "possessions" after the em
pires of the -old world, we can not hold before tho
oppressed of other lands the light of self-government
and civil liberty. In 1898 we said to the
people of Cuba that they were "and of right ought
to be free and independent" and they are now gov
erning themselves. The president now says that
the Filipinos are not only utterly incapable of gov
erning themselves, but tnat they --0 utterly in
capable of "building up a civilization of their
own." If the president is right in the position
that he taes on the Philippine question then there
is no such thing as an Inalienable right as de
scribed in our Declaration of Independence. If the
president is correct in the position he has taken
then these things which we have been in the habit
of calling "rights" are merely privileges accorued
by more- powerful people to less powerful ones.
The president's imperial policy strikes at the
foundation, of cur government, and the hopes which
he expresses for the future of the Filipinos will
not atone for his apostacy from American princi
ples. The large navy an the colonial policy go
hand in hand. If we are going to adopt the brute
force principle which underlies the empire, we shall
most assuredly need a large jnavy and we shall
need a large army also, but It will result as it has
resulted elsewhere in increasing tho wealth of tho
exploiters and the burdens of the masses.
On the whole the president's message is a queer
compound of good and bad. His recommendations
are not consistently good; they are not consistent
ly bad. They indicate a conflict betwen his better
impulses and his Hamiltonian theories. Let us
hope that in his future messages there may be
more evidence of the, triumph of his better impulses.
SOME REFORMS THAT ARE WITHIN REACH
The national victory scored by the republican
party delays reforms of a national character. The
republican party did not recognize during the cam
paign the necessity for any change in existing
conditions or laws. It boasted that it had been
In power almost uninterruptedly for forty-four
years, and it would not admit the desirability of
any reform. "While it Is barely possible that 1t
may undertake new legislation, it is not probable.
There are, however, a few reforms that the demo
crats in congress might push with some prospect
of success. ,
Reform in the tariff schedules is apparently
out of the question for the present and no ef
fective legislation Is likely against the .trusts If
the republicans attempt anything on the money
question it will be injurious rather than helpful,
because it will be in the interest of the national
hanks and financiers. The democrats ought to
present their measures and with their speeches
fecus attention upon them, even though on the
main questions the democratic work will have to
be educational In its character.
It might be possible for the democrats to
urge successfully some changes in postal matters.
"With the rural delivery there has come a demand
for an extension of the postal note. The govern
ment ought toissuo postal notes in small denomi
nationsnotes which can be purchased and used
at any time by the agricultural population as well
as by those in the- cities who desire to make small
remittances.
There is an urgent need for a local parcel
delivery. The country merchant is complaining
because the farmer, being able to order by mail
and receive his goods from a distance, is spend
ing his money with the large mail order houses
instead of with his home merchants. It is lat
ural more than that, it is Inevitable that trade
should follow the lines of cheapness and con
venience. It would be possible to assist both the
farmers and the local nr -chants by providing a
cheap rate for the delivery of parcels by carriers
where such parcels aro deposited at the post
office from which the carrier starts. Tho govern
ment has to pay a high- rate for mail and package
carried by rail; because of the influence exerted
over the postal department and over congress this
rate is very much higher than 'the rate paid by
express companies for oimilar service. Where the
article of merchandise is deposited in the local
pestoffice and carried out on the rural free deliv
ery route the government can afford to carry it
at a much lower rate than it can merchandise that
i3 shipped across the country. This discrimination
in favor of the local merchant rests upon justice
and will benefit both the customer and the coun
try merchant. It will then be possible for che
merchant to publish a catalogue of the articles
in which he deals and furnish to his patrons in
tho country. With the -extersion of the tele
phone system it is possible for the farmer or hi3
wife to order anything needed in town,, and have
it brought out that day or the next day by the
rural delivery. Every argument that can be made
in favor of a parcel rate when the parcels aro
sent from one end of the country to the 'other can
be made in favor of a lower rate for the delivery
of local parcels, if the democrats, will take up
this proposition they will And that the country
merchants and the farmers will bring the neces
sary pressure to bear upon their representatives.
Why would it not be a good plan for tho readers
of The Commoner who favor this plan to clip out
this editorial and mail it to their congressmen?
Representatives are quite ready to listen to the
suggestions of their constituents unlef s those sug
gestions run contrary to some fixed prejudice or
opinion.
There ought also to be an additional protection
to bank depositors. The present regulations are
not adequate for the protection of the public We
always assume that a bank is good until it fails
but when it fails the depositors then realize how
insufficient for his protection the laws are Th
sentiment in favor of the postal savings bank is
a growing one and it grows most rapidly whore
there has been a bank failure, for it Is still true
that many will learn from calamity who refuse
to learn from argumen. however logical. When
Mr. Bryan was in congress he tried to secure the
passage of a law protecting the depositors in na
tional banks. The bill proposed by him provided
for theN raising of a guaranty fund by a small tax
on deposits, the tax to be suspended as soon as the
fund reached a sufficient amount. The bill pro
vided that the comptroller, upon the failure of a
bank, should immediately pay all depositors in
full out of the guaranty fund and then proceed to
collect the assets of the bank and reimburse the
fund. -The bill was opposed by the larger na
tional Panics which insisted that if all banns
were safe the big banks would have no advan
tage over the little banks. If necessary to secure
the passage of a bill the provision might be made
voluntary rather than compulsory that is, banks
might be permitted to accept the provisions and
secure to their patrons the protection of the law,
or refuse to accept the provisions and deny to
their patrons the protection of the law. The pat
rons could then consult their own judgment in re
gard to places of deposit. There ought to bo some
place where the people, especially the poorer peo
ple, could deposit their money wfth absolute se
curity, and the banks do not now provide that
security. It would not only be a justice to the
people to provide this protection, but it would be
an encouragement to saving and economy. It is
rather discouraging to one to save for several
years only to find his money swallowed up by
the unwise or criminal r ct of some bank official.
The above things are suggested as measures
of relief that mayjje within reach. Of course the
democrats of the house and senate ought to push
the amendment providing for the election of
United States senators by direct vote of the psa
ple; That ought to be brought forward in every
congress until the senate yields and the people
secure the direct election of senators.
The democrats, in congress might present i
measure for the puriflcat'on of politics. In some
of the states congressmen are compelled to nio
a signed and -itemized account of their campaign
expenditures, but this should be made a national
requirem , and tho law should be so stringent
as to require the filing of the statement whetuer
the money was spent by the candidate himseir,
by tho officers of his. committee or by anyone eiso
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