The Commoner.
VOLUME 4, .NUMBER i
'liV nnnirrona fhnn flint T)ArtlOH Of th3
ireport of tho attorney general dealing
-wltli the long aoiays ana ine great uu-
struction to justice expenonceu in tnu
cases of Beavers, Green and Gaynor,
and Benson. Wore these isolated ana
gpedlal cases. I should not call your
attention to them; but .the difficulties
encountered as regards these men who
havo been indicted for criminal prac
tices arc not exceptional; they are pre
cisely similar in kind to what occurs
atrain in tho case of criminals who
have advantage of a system of proce
dure which has grown up in tho fed
eral courts and which amounts in ef
fect to making the law easy of enforce
ments against the man who has no
money, and difficult of enforcement,
even to the point of sometimes securing
immunity, as regards tho man who has
money. In criminal cases the writ of
the United States should run through
out its borders. The wheels of justice
should not be clogged, as they havo
been clogged in the cases above men
tioned where it has proved absolutely
impossible to bring the accused to the
place appointed by tho constitution for
his trial.
"Of recent, years there has been
grave and increasing complaint of the
difficulty of bringing to justice those
criminals whose criminality, instead of
being against one person in the re
public, is against all persons in the
republic, because it is against the re
public itself.
"Under any circumstance and from
the very nature of tho case it is often
exceedingly difficult to secure proper
punishment of those who have been
guilty of wrongdoing against tho gov
ernment. By the time the offender can
be brought into cpurt the popular
wrath against him has generally sub-
I wuou, .uxiu lubib ia in most instances
I fvery slight danger indeed of any preju
dice existing in the minds of the jury
against him. At present the interests
of the Innocent man are amply safe
guarded; but the Interests of the gov
ernment, that is, the interests of hon
est administration, that is the inter
ests of the, people, are not recognized
as they should bo. No subject better
warrants the attention of the congress.
Indeed no subject better warrants the
attention of the bench and the bar
throughout the United States."
Foreign Policy
Tho government's foreign policy Is
treated as follows:
"In treating of our foreign policy
and of the attitude that this great na
tion should assume in the. world rt
largo, it is absolutely necessary to con
sider the army and navy, and the con
gress, through which the thought of
tho nation And its expression, should
keep ever vividly in mind the funda
mental fact that it is impossible to
treat our foreign policy, whether this
policy take- shape in tho effort to se
cure justice for ourselves, savo as con
ditioned upon tho attitude we are will
ing to take toward our army, and es
pecially toward our navy It is not
merely unwise, it is contemptible, for
a nation, as for an individual, to use
Jiigh-sounding language to proclaim its
purposes, or to take positions which
the ridiculous if unsupported by poten
tial force, and then to refuse to pro
vide this force. Jf there is no intention
of providing and of keeping the force
necessary to back up a strong attitude,
then it is far better not to assume such
an attitude.
"Tho steady aim of this nation, as
of all enlightened nations, should be to
strive to bring ever nearer the day
when there shall prevail throughout
the world the peace of justice. There
are kinds of peaco which are highly
undesirable, which are in the long run
as destructive as any war. Tyrants
and oppressors havo many times made
a wilderness and called it peace. Many
times peoples who were slothful r
timid or shortsighted, who had been
onnervated by ease or by luxury, or
misled by false teachings, have shrunk
in unmanly fashion from doing duty
that .was stern and that needed self
sacrillce, and havo sought to hide from
their own minds their short-comingy,
their ignoble motives, by calling them
love of peace.
"Tho peaco of tyrannous terror, the
peace of craven weakness, tho peaco
of injustice, all these- should be
shunned as we shun unrighteous war.
The goal to set before all mankind, la
the attainment of the peace of justics,
of the peace which comes when ea'h
nation is not merely safe-guarded in
its own right, but scrupulously recog
nizes and performs its duty toward
others. Generally peace tells for right
eousness; but if .there is conflict be
tween the two, then our fealty is due
first to the cause of righteousnes. Un
righteous wars are common, and un
righteous peace is rare; but both
should be shunned. The right of free
dom and the responsibility for the ex
ercise of that right can not be di
vorced. One of our great poets has
well and finely said that freedom Is
not a gift that tarries long in the
hands of cowards. Neither ' does It
tarry long in tho hands of those too
slothful, too dishonest, or too unin
telligent to exercise it The Atinmni
vigilance which is the price of liberty
must ue exercised, sometimes to guard
against outside foes; although, of
course, far more often to guard aginst
our own selfish or thoughtless short
comings. .
"If these self-evident truths are kept
before us. and only if they are so kept
before us. we shall have a clear idea
of what our foreign policy in its larger
aspects should bo. It is our duty to re
member that a nation has no more
right to do injustice to another Na
tion, strong or weak, than an indiv
idual has to do injustice to another
individual; that the same morallaw
applies In one case as in the other. But
we must also remember that it is as
much the' duty of the nation to guard
its own rights and its own interests
as it is the duty of the individual so
to do. Within the nation tho individ
ual has now delegated this right to
the state." that is. to tho 'representative
off all the individuals, and it is a max
im of the. law that for every wrong
there is a remedy. But in Internation
al law we have not advanced by any
means as far as we havo advanced
in municipal law. There is as yet no
judicial way of enforcing a right in
internatipnal law. When one nation
wrongs another or wrongs many oth
ers, tnere is no tribunal befor
which the wrongdoer can be brought.
Either it is necessary supinely to ac
quiesce in the wrong, and thus put a
premium upon brutality . and aggres
sion, or else it is necessary for the
aggrieved nation valiantly to stand un
for its rights. Until some method is
devised by which there shall be a de
gree of international control oyer of
fending nations, it would be a wicked
thing for the most civilized powers, for
those with most sense of international
obligations and with keenest and most
generous appreciation of the difference
between right and wrong, to disarm.
"If the great civilized nations of the
present day should completely disarm,
tho result would mean an immediate
recrudescence of barbarism in one
form or aother.
"Under any circumstances a suffici
ent armament would have to be kept
up to servo the purposes of internation
al polled; - arid- -until internfLtlnttiii .
I hesion. and- tho sense of International-
duties and rights are far more ad
vanced than at present, a nation de
sirous both of securing respect for it
self and of doing good to others must
havo a force adequate for tho work
which it feels is allotted to it as its
part of the general world duty. There
for it follows that a self-respecting,
just and far-seeing nation should on
the one hand endeavor by every means
to aiti in the development of the va
rious movements which tend 'to render
nations in their actions toward one
another, and indeed toward their own
peoples, more responsive to the general
sentiment of humane and civilized
mankind; and on the other"hand that
it should keep prepared, while scrupu
lously avoiding wrongdoing itself,, to
repel any wrong, and in exceptional
cases to take action which in a more
advanced stage of international rela
tions would como under the head of
the exercise of the international police.
A great free people owes it to itself
and to all mankind to sink into help
lessness before tho powers of evil.
"It is not true that the United States
feels any land hunger or entertains any
projects as regards the other nations
of the western hemisphere, savo mioh
as are for their welfare. All that this
country desires is. to see the neighbor
ing countries stable, orderly and pros
perous. Any country whose people
conduct themselves well can count up
on our hearty friendship. If a na
tion shows that it knows how to act
with reasonable efficiency and decency
in social and political matters, if it
keeps order and pays its obligations,
it need fear no interference from the
United States. Chronic wrongdoing, or
an impotence which results in a gen
eral loosening of the ties of civilized
society, may in America, as elsewhere,
ultimately reauire Intervention by
some civilized nation, and in the west
ern hemisphere the adherence of the
United States to the Monroe doctrine
may force the United States, however
reluctantly, in flagrant cases of such
wrongdoing or impotence, to the exer
cise of an International police power
If every country washed by the Carib
bean Sea WOUld Show the nrnfrrpca In
stable and just civilization which, with
me am or. the Piatt amendment. Cuba
has shown since our troops left the
island, and which so many of the re
publics in both Americas are constant
ly and brilliantly showing, all ques
tion of interference by tlfls nation with
their affairs would be at an end. Our
interests and those of our southern
neighbors are in reality identical. They
have great natural riches, and if with
in their borders the reign, of law and
justice obtains, prosperity is sure to
come to them. While theyEhus obey
the primary laws of civilized society
they may rest assured that they will
be treated by us in t spirit of cordial
and helpful sympathy.
"We would interfere with them only
in the last resort and then only if it
became evident that their inability or
unwillingness to do justice at home
and abroad had violated the rights of
uio unitea states or had invited for
eign aggression to the detriment of
the entire body of American nations
It is a mere truism to say that every
nation, whether in America or any
where else, which desires to maintain
its freedom, its independence, must ul
timately realize that the right of such
independence can not be separated
from the responsibility of making Rood
use of it b
"In asserting the Monroe doctrine,
n taking such steps as we have taken
in regard to Cuba, Venezuela and Pan
ama, and in endeavoriug to circum
scribe the theater of war in the far
east, and to secure the open door in
China,- we have acted in onr nwn if ,.'
est as-woll as-In the interost of human
ity a large. -There are. however, cases
in which, while our own interests art
not greatly involved, strong appeal ia
made to our sympathies:
"Ordinarily it is very much wiser and
more useful for us to concern ourselves
with striving for our own moral and
material betterment here at home than
to concern ourselves with trying to
better the condition of things in other
nations. Wo havo plenty of sins of
our own to war against, and under or
dinary circumstances we can do more
for tho general uplifting of humanity
by striving with heart and soul to
put a stop to civic corruption, to bru
tal lawlessnes and violent race prej
udices here at home than by nassintr
resolutions about wrongdoing else-,
where. Nevertheless there are ocrn.,
sional crimes committed on so vast a
scale and of such peculiar horror as
to make us doubt whether it is not our
manifest duty to endeavor at least to
show our disapproval of the deed and
our sympathy with those who havo
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111
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